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DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

VOLUME  I 


4.JSI  j!^, 

Of   THE  \ 

OF  / 

r«l    ir— CKrtfcX' 


DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 


BY 


JOHN  W.  FOSTER 

Author  of  "A  Century  of  American  Diplomacy," 

"American    Diplomacy   »n   the    Orient," 

"The  Practice  of  Diplomacy,"  etc. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 
VOLUME  I 

WITH  ILLUSTEATIONS 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

it&  Cambridge 
1909 


OF 


T.V   ) 


COPYRIGHT,    1909,   BY  JOHN   W.   FOSTER 
ALL   RIGHTS  RESERVED 

Published  November  IQOQ 


,7 
F7 

v,  I 

CONTENTS 


I.    HOW   I   ENTERED   THE    DIPLOMATIC   SERVICE       .         3 

II.  THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO 15 

III.  SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  MEXICO 26 

IV.  ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS      .     .  35 
V.  MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO 48 

VI.  A  TRIP  TO  OAXACA 61 

VII.  REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO 71 

VIII.  THE  TRIUMPH  OP  DIAZ 83 

IX.  MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ 97 

X.  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS 108 

XI.  A  VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  MEXICAN  STATES  .  121 
XII.  FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA 137 

XIII.  THE  DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT  .     .150 

XIV.  RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  .     .  163 
XV.  THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II    ...  181 

XVI.  RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III 198 

XVII.  MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA 216 

XVIII.  MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN 239 

XIX.  CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY 250 

XX.  STATESMEN  AND  DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  .     .     .  261 

XXI.  SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL 276 

XXII.  THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  —  DIPLOMATIC  MATTERS  .  296 

XXIII.  A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL 314 

XXIV.  MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  .  .  329 


203797 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

JOHN  W.  FOSTER  (photogravure) Frontispiece 

SENATOR  O.  P.  MORTON 6 

BENITO  JUAREZ,  INDIAN  PRESIDENT  OF  MEXICO,  1858-1872    .     .    52 

PORFIRIO  DIAZ,  PRESIDENT  OF  MEXICO 84 

MRS.  PORFIRIO  DIAZ 100 

ROBERT  R.  HITT 144 

ALEXANDER  II,  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA 182 

SERGE  J.  DE  WITTE 228 

ALFONSO  XII,  KING  OF  SPAIN 242 

(Autograph  from  Miss  Foster's  Collection.) 

ROYAL  PALACE,  MADRID 272 

ALFONSO  XIII,  QUEEN  REGENT,  AND  INFANTAS  OF  SPAIN  .     .    .  304 


DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

1872-1891 


DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIKS 

CHAPTER  I 

HOW  I   ENTERED   THE   DIPLOMATIC   SERVICE 

THE  spirited  political  campaign  of  1872  closed  with  the  tri 
umphant  reelection  of  General  Grant  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  Indiana  was  classed  as  one  of  the  doubtful 
States,  and  the  result  of  the  October  election  was  looked  for 
ward  to  with  anxiety  by  both  political  parties  as  indicating 
the  trend  of  public  sentiment.  Oliver  P.  Morton,  the  leader 
of  his  party  in  the  State  and  one  of  the  foremost  statesmen 
of  his  day,  was  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  and  he  felt  that  his  political  life  was  at 
stake  in  the  contest. 

As  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee,  I  con 
ducted  the  campaign  which  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a  Re 
publican  majority  in  the  legislature,  and  pointed  unmis 
takably  to  the  success  of  President  Grant.  Senator  Morton 
was  greatly  pleased,  and  when  the  returns  were  all  in,  he 
invited  Mrs.  Foster  and  myself  to  a  private  dinner  at  his 
residence  in  Indianapolis.  When  it  was  concluded,  I  ac 
companied  the  Senator  to  his  private  office,  and  he  at  once 
said  that  to  me  more  than  any  one  else  was  due  the  decisive 
party  victory,  and  that  he  personally  felt  under  great  obli 
gations  to  me  which  he  desired  to  discharge.  He  told  me  to 
take  the  "Blue  Book"  (the  register  of  federal  officers  of  the 
United  States)  and  select  the  office  I  wanted,  and  that  with 
out  further  trouble  on  my  part  he  would  see  that  it  was  given 
me.  I  replied  that  I  had  not  entered  on  the  campaign  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  an  office,  and  that  I  must  take  time  to 
consider  the  matter ;  that,  however,  he  had  indicated  to  me 


4  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

great  liberty  of  choice ;  and  that  I  might  select  a  position  for 
which  I  was  not  fitted  or  which  he  might  not  be  able  to  se 
cure  for  me.  He  answered  that  he  had  entire  confidence  in 
my  ability,  and  as  to  securing  the  office  I  need  give  myself 
no  concern  on  that  score.  The  latter  assertion  was  no  vain 
boast  on  his  part,  for  at  that  time  there  was  no  man  in 
the  country  upon  whom  President  Grant  depended  more 
strongly  or  whom  he  was  more  willing  to  favor. 

After  canvassing  the  matter  fully  with  my  wife,  we 
decided  that,  with  our  young  family,  a  brief  residence  in 
Europe  would  be  both  pleasant  and  useful ;  and  I  informed 
the  Senator  that  if  it  could  be  had  I  should  be  gratified  to 
receive  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  Switzerland,  which 
was  in  the  lowest  grade  of  our  diplomatic  service.  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  thirty  years  and  more  ago  the  diplomatic 
service  presented  the  same  allurement  to  inexperienced  but 
ambitious  young  men  as  it  seems  to  possess  at  the  present 
day. 

Upon  learning  my  choice,  the  Senator  approved  of  it  and 
assured  me  that  I  might  count  on  receiving  the  appointment 
soon  after  the  re-inauguration  of  the  President,  and  that  I 
might  shape  my  business  arrangements  accordingly.  But 
during  the  course  of  the  ensuing  winter  I  received  a  tele 
gram  from  Senator  Morton  asking  me  to  come  to  Washing 
ton.  Upon  my  arrival  at  the  capital  I  was  informed  by 
him  that  he  had  encountered  some  difficulty  in  securing  the 
Swiss  Mission  for  me ;  that  the  President  had  promised  the 
friends  of  the  incumbent  that  he  might  continue  in  the  office 
during  the  coming  term ;  but  that  he  had  offered  to  appoint 
me  to  the  Mexican  Mission. 

I  was  bewildered  by  the  proposition.  It  was  with  much 
misgiving  as  to  my  fitness  for  the  office  I  had  chosen  the  Swiss 
Mission,  one  of  the  lowest  and  most  unimportant  of  the  dip 
lomatic  posts ;  and  now  I  was  tendered  the  highest  and  most 
difficult  mission  on  the  American  hemisphere.  I  frankly  told 


I  ENTER  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE         5 

the  Senator  that  I  very  much  doubted  the  wisdom  of  accept 
ing  such  a  post  with  my  entire  inexperience  in  diplomacy.  I 
at  the  time  spoke  no  foreign  language,  had  never  been  out 
of  my  own  country,  and  had  only  a  text-book  knowledge  of 
international  law.  But  the  Senator  only  smiled  at  my  hesi 
tation,  reasserted  his  confidence  in  my  ability,  and  said  I  was 
much  better  fitted  than  most  of  those  who  were  appointed 
to  our  diplomatic  service.  He  asked  me  to  go  with  him  that 
evening  to  call  on  the  President,  who,  he  said,  retained  pleas 
ant  recollections  of  his  army  acquaintance  with  me.  Our 
call  at  the  White  House  was  an  agreeable  one,  General  Grant 
alluding  with  interest  to  some  incidents  of  our  military  inter 
course,  but  no  reference  was  made  to  my  appointment.  I 
returned  to  my  home  in  Indiana,  and  in  the  first  diplomatic 
nominations  sent  to  the  Senate  after  the  President  entered 
on  his  second  term  my  name  was  included  as  Envoy  Extra 
ordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Mexico. 

Before  I  left  Washington  an  incident  occurred  which  of 
fered  an  entirely  different  turn  to  my  diplomatic  career.  Sen 
ator  Morton  informed  me  that  President  Grant  had  decided 
to  appoint  Hon.  John  A.  Bingham  of  Ohio  Minister  to  Japan, 
and  that  Mr.  Bingham  had  requested  him  to  ask  me  if,  with 
the  President's  approval,  I  would  be  willing  to  change  places 
with  him  and  allow  him  to  go  to  Mexico,  the  two  positions 
being  of  the  same  rank  and  emoluments.  I  asked  the  Sena 
tor  why  Mr.  Bingham  desired  the  change  and  was  told  that 
he,  being  an  old  man,  feared  that,  Japan  being  so  far  away 
and  a  country  with  which  we  had  so  little  intercourse,  he 
would  be  forgotten  by  his  friends  and  constituents  at  home. 
Upon  reflection  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  reason  had  more 
force  with  a  young  man  who  looked  forward  to  a  career  in 
his  own  country,  and  I  excused  myself  from  the  proposal. 

Mr.  Bingham  was  a  man  of  marked  ability  and  had  en 
joyed  a  long  and  honorable  public  service.  In  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  just  closing  he  had  supported  the  law 


6  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

known  as  the  Salary  Bill,  which  not  only  increased  the  pay 
of  members  of  Congress,  but  was  retroactive  in  its  effect. 
It  proved  an  unpopular  measure,  was  in  the  campaign 
termed  the  "  Back-Pay  Grab,"  and  contributed  to  the  defeat 
of  Mr.  Bingham  and  many  other  congressmen  who  supported 
it.  His  standing  was  so  high  with  his  party  and  in  the  coun 
try  that  the  President's  action  in  appointing  him  Minister  to 
Japan  was  generally  commended.  He  remained  in  that  po 
sition  for  about  twelve  years,  during  a  most  important  epoch 
in  that  country's  history.  He  was  enabled  to  render  both  to 
the  United  States  and  Japan  valuable  service,  and  was  re 
cognized  by  the  Japanese  as  a  wise  counselor  and  constant 
friend. 

During  my  visit  to  Washington  in  preparation  for  my 
journey,  Senator  Morton  manifested  a  warm  interest  in  my 
mission  and  so  continued  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  in  1878, 
regarding  with  personal  pride  whatever  success  I  attained. 
I  was  greatly  grieved  at  his  death,  as  I  was  more  intimate 
with  him  than  any  other  of  our  great  men.  He  was  truly  one 
of  our  greatest  statesmen  and  patriots.  Senator  Hoar  has 
recorded  in  his  "  Autobiography"  that  "  Morton  as  a  great 
party  leader  had  no  superior  in  his  time,  save  Lincoln  alone." 
President  Roosevelt,  nearly  thirty  years  after  his  death,  in  a 
public  address,  said,  "  When  history  definitely  awards  the 
credit  for  what  was  done  in  the  Civil  War,  she  will  put  the 
services  of  no  other  civilian,  save  alone  those  of  Lincoln, 
ahead  of  the  services  of  Governor  Morton." 

As  I  now  recall  my  hesitation  to  assume  the  duties  of  such 
a  responsible  and  untried  position  as  the  mission  to  Mexico, 
I  see  that  I  was  not  without  some  preparation,  and  that  I 
possessed  an  experience  of  the  world  and  of  political  affairs 
which  was  second  only  in  value  to  actual  diplomatic  serv 
ice.  I  had  the  benefit  of  a  worthy  ancestry,  which  should 
always  exercise  an  important  influence  upon  character  and 
ability.  My  paternal  grandfather  was  an  English  farmer,  who 


I  ENTER  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE          7 

during  the  industrial  depression  occasioned  by  the  Napoleonic 
wars  sold  his  small  possessions  and  emigrated  to  America 
early  in  the  last  century,  bringing  his  family,  among  them  my 
father,  then  in  his  boyhood.  The  latter  at  the  age  of  seven 
teen  left  the  temporary  home  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  New 
York,  and  on  foot  and  alone  started  for  the  great  Western 
country,  in  search  of  a  suitable  location  where  lands  could 
be  obtained  from  the  Government,  on  which  to  provide  a 
home  for  his  aged  parents  and  build  up  his  own  career. 

After  traversing,  with  knapsack  on  his  back,  the  inter 
vening  country  as  far  as  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  he  decided  upon 
a  location  in  southern  Indiana,  returned  to  New  York,  and 
brought  out  the  family  to  the  new  home,  where  he  had  se 
cured  an  eighty-acre  tract  of  land  in  the  virgin  wilderness. 
There  in  a  log  cabin  built  with  their  own  hands  the  family 
began  their  new  life.  My  father  soon  became  a  large  farmer, 
and  collecting  together  his  products  and  those  of  his  neigh 
bors  he  floated  them  down  the  White,  the  Wabash,  and  the 
Ohio  rivers,  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi,  and  thence  to 
New  Orleans,  and  in  the  days  before  steamboats  were  com 
mon  brought  back  the  proceeds  in  Spanish  gold  coin  on  foot 
to  his  Indiana  home,  a  distance  of  twelve  hundred  miles. 

This  employment  led  into  mercantile  life  and  his  location 
at  Evansville,  then  a  growing  town,  now  a  city  of  no  mean 
proportions.  He  acquired  such  knowledge  of  law  as  led  his 
neighbors  to  make  him  a  county  or  probate  judge ;  he  was 
active  as  councilman,  bank  director,  church  and  school  trus 
tee,  and  in  all  movements  for  the  betterment  of  his  commun 
ity.  Before  he  left  England  he  had  served  an  apprenticeship 
in  a  book-store,  besides  which  his  education  was  only  such  as 
he  gained  in  the  scanty  leisure  of  his  hardy  life.  He  was  a 
great  reader,  his  favorite  books  being  the  Bible,  Shakespeare, 
and  Burns,  much  of  which  he  freely  recited  from  memory. 
He  became  an  intense  American  and  was  active  in  politics, 
especially  in  the  anti-slavery  crusade 


8  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

My  maternal  great-grandfather  served  in  the  Virginia 
contingent  of  the  Revolutionary  army.  My  grandfather 
migrated  from  Kentucky  to  Indiana  soon  after  it  was  or 
ganized  as  a  Territory,  acted  as  secretary  to  its  first  governor, 
General  Harrison,  participated  with  him  in  the  Tippecanoe 
campaign  against  the  Indians,  was  a  member  of  the  conven 
tion  which  framed  the  first  constitution  of  Indiana,  and 
served  frequently  as  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature.  My 
mother  died  in  my  childhood,  but  not  until  her  devotion, 
her  gentleness,  her  intelligence,  her  deeply  religious  life  had 
been  indelibly  fixed  in  my  memory.  Among  such  associa 
tions  and  fed  upon  the  narrative  of  the  experiences  of  such 
an  ancestry  I  grew  up  to  manhood. 

My  collegiate  education  was  pursued  at  the  State  Uni 
versity  of  Indiana,  from  which  I  graduated  as  valedictorian 
of  my  class  in  1855,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  I  attended  the 
Harvard  University  Law  School  for  one  year,  spent  one  year 
in  a  law  office  at  Cincinnati,  was  admitted  to  practice  law 
at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and  located  at  my  home  in  Evans- 
ville,  Indiana.  In  the  first  years  of  my  profession  I  was 
associated  as  partner  with  Conrad  Baker,  one  of  the  leading 
lawyers  of  the  State,  a  man  of  the  highest  qualities  of  citizen 
ship,  afterwards  Governor  of  the  State  and  senior  partner  of 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks.  Something  of  the  character  of  the 
man  may  be  seen  when  I  state  that,  while  serving  his  term 
as  governor,  he  was  offered  by  his  party  adherents  in  the 
legislature  the  post  of  United  States  Senator,  which  he  de 
clined,  on  the  ground  that  the  people  of  the  State  had  elected 
him  governor  and  it  was  his  duty  to  fill  out  the  term. 

The  slavery  agitation  was  the  burning  political  question 
during  my  college  days  and  early  manhood.  My  home  dis 
trict,  bordering  on  Kentucky  and  settled  largely  from  the 
slave  States,  sympathized  with  the  pro-slavery  cause ;  but, 
following  my  father's  views,  in  college  I  was  so  ardent  an 
anti-slavery  advocate  that  I  was  ranked  as  an  "  abolition- 


I  ENTER  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE         9 

1st,"  a  term  of  opprobrium  in  that  day  and  in  that  community. 
In  the  Fremont  presidential  campaign,  I  participated  as 
actively  as  I  could  as  a  minor,  and  in  the  exciting  Lincoln 
campaign  of  I860,  I  gave  much  of  my  time  to  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  Republican  party,  —  then  largely  in  the  minor 
ity  in  my  section,  —  and  in  addressing  the  people  at  political 
meetings. 

My  whole  soul  was  enlisted  in  the  anti-slavery  cause,  and 
when  the  Civil  War,  following  the  inauguration  of  President 
Lincoln,  burst  upon  the  country,  my  first  impulse  was  to 
join  the  army  of  the  Union,  but  for  a  few  months  I  was 
constrained  in  my  action.  The  rush  of  volunteers  was  much 
greater  than  the  allotment  in  Indiana.  I  had  just  established 
myself  in  a  little  home,  and  it  required  a  most  grave  necessity 
to  have  me  leave  my  young  wife  and  child.  Besides  I  had 
no  special  taste  for  soldiering.  But  when  the  President's 
call  for  three  hundred  thousand  men  for  three  years'  enlist 
ment  came,  I  saw  that  the  rebellion  meant  a  serious  conflict 
and  that  the  call  was  loudest  upon  those  who  had  professed 
devotion  to  the  anti-slavery  cause.  I  enlisted  in  the  army  for 
three  years,  and  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part  Gov 
ernor  Morton,  who  knew  of  my  service  in  the  Lincoln  politi 
cal  campaign,  sent  me  a  commission  as  major  of  the  Twenty- 
Fifth  Indiana  Volunteers.  During  my  service  of  three  and 
a  half  years  I  participated  in  many  important  engagements, 
commanded  three  different  Indiana  regiments,  was  brigade 
and  district  commander,  and  at  the  close  of  my  service  was 
at  the  head  of  a  division  of  cavalry.  I  served  under  and 
was  brought  into  personal  contact  and  acquaintance  with 
Generals  Grant,  Sherman,  Thomas,  Burnside,  and  other  de 
partment  and  corps  commanders.  My  military  life  greatly 
enlarged  my  knowledge  of  men  and  gave  me  fuller  con 
fidence  in  myself. 

My  early  participation  in  party  affairs  had  given  me  a 
taste  for  politics,  and  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  I  was 


10  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

naturally  led  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  reconstruction 
questions  which  agitated  the  country.  Yielding  to  this  in 
clination,  I  became  the  editor  of  the  leading  newspaper  of 
my  section  of  the  State.  Such  a  position  affords  one  an  ex 
cellent  opportunity  to  study  the  various  political  questions 
which  arise  in  the  country,  and  their  editorial  discussion 
tends  to  broaden  and  clarify  one's  ideas  of  public  affairs.  In 
the  years  succeeding  the  war  I  continued  to  give  some 
attention  to  party  organization,  and,  as  stated,  in  the  pre 
sidential  campaign  of  1872  I  was  at  the  head  of  the  Repub 
lican  State  Committee. 

Through  the  management  of  the  State  campaign  I  was 
brought  into  personal  contact  with  many  prominent  men  of 
national  reputation.  Among  these  were,  from  my  own  State, 
0.  P.  Morton,  R.  W.  Thompson,  Schuyler  Coif  ax,  Benj. 
Harrison ;  from  other  States,  John  Sherman,  Henry  Wilson, 
Geo.  F.  Boutwell,  John  A.  Logan,  John  M.  Harlan,  B.  H. 
Bristow,  Wm.  P.  Frye,  Zach.  Chandler,  Carl  Schurz,  Fredk. 
Douglass,  Robert  G.  Ingersoll. 

My  acquaintance  with  James  G.  Blaine  which  continued 
to  the  close  of  his  life  began  in  this  campaign,  as  will  be  seen 
from  the  following  characteristic  letter  to  me :  — 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  10th  Nov.  1872. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  cannot  allow  this  great  campaign  to  pass  out  of  fresh 
memory  without  extending  to  you  my  very  cordial  congratu 
lations  upon  the  masterly  manner  in  which  you  organized 
Indiana. 

With  fourteen  years'  experience  as  Chairman  of  our  own 
Committee  I  naturally  observe  somewhat  closely  the  tides 
and  currents  in  other  States,  and  I  know  from  my  own  obser 
vation  and  from  what  others  told  me  that  your  work  was 
done  with  wonderful  thoroughness.  It  was  my  great  desire 
to  have  got  into  your  State  and  participated  in  your  canvass 


I  ENTER  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE       11 

and  especially  to  have  had  the  pleasure  of  making  your  per 
sonal  acquaintance,  but  when  I  reached  Ohio,  they  simply 
drafted  me  for  the  campaign  vi  et  armis  and  I  could  not  get 
away. 

If  you  visit  Washington  during  the  coming  winter,  I  beg 
that  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to  call  at  my  house  —  821 
15th  St.,  where  you  will  find  the  latch-string  out  and  on 
pulling  it  will  meet  a  Western  welcome. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  G.  ELAINE. 

HON.  JNO.  W.  FOSTER. 

I  called  on  Mr.  Elaine  in  Washington  the  next  winter, 
was  very  cordially  received  by  him  in  the  Speaker's  Room, 
and  invited  to  dine  with  him  the  same  evening,  saying  there 
would  be  a  company  of  gentlemen  at  his  table  whom  he 
thought  I  would  be  pleased  to  meet. 

I  cannot  refrain  from  narrating  an  incident  of  that  dinner. 
When  Mr.  Elaine  went  home  from  the  Capitol  he  told  Mrs. 
Blame  he  had  invited  an  additional  number  of  gentlemen, 
among  them  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  M.  Robeson, 
and  that  she  must  be  sure  to  serve  some  Madeira,  as  that 
was  the  Secretary's  favorite  wine ;  to  which  she  replied  that 
there  was  not  a  bottle  in  the  house.  "  Well,"  he  said,  "  send 
to  the  grocer  and  get  some,  as  we  must  have  it." 

The  Speaker  was  in  his  best  humor  that  evening,  and  as 
he  looked  down  the  table  when  the  Madeira  was  being  served, 
he  saw  the  Secretary  testing  its  aroma,  whereupon  he  ar 
rested  the  conversation  of  the  guests  by  addressing  the 
Secretary  hi  a  voice  which  attracted  general  attention: 
"Robeson,  I  hope  you  will  like  that  Madeira,  for  it  has  a 
history  " ;  and  then  he  proceeded  to  invent  a  story  of  how 
it  belonged  to  a  cask  of  a  choice  vintage  which  had  made 
a  trip  around  the  world  in  a  sailing-vessel  to  temper  its 
quality,  had  been  brought  to  Washington  by  a  European 


12  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

diplomat,  had  been  bought,  at  the  sale  of  his  effects  when 
he  left  the  country,  by  a  retired  commodore  of  the  Navy, 
and  lain  in  his  cellar  in  Philadelphia  for  years,  and  that 
he,  Elaine,  had  received  from  his  friend  the  commodore,  a 
few  bottles,  and  this  they  were  now  drinking  was  the  last  of 
it.  Secretary  Robeson,  who  was  a  great  connoisseur  of  wine, 
listened  with  marked  attention,  and  responded  that  he  knew 
from  its  delicate  aroma  and  delicious  taste  it  must  have  a 
history,  and  proceeded  to  praise  it  in  extravagant  terms. 
Mr.  Elaine  never  omitted  an  opportunity  when  he  found  his 
friend  in  congenial  company  to  tell  the  story  on  him. 

The  brief  review  which  I  have  given  of  my  life  up  to  my 
appointment  as  Minister  to  Mexico  shows,  I  trust,  that, 
while  I  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  diplomatic  service, 
I  was  not  without  some  preparation  for  the  new  and  im 
portant  duties  which  I  was  about  to  assume.  My  training 
as  a  lawyer,  my  early  participation  in  the  discussion  and 
settlement  of  one  of  the  most  mome'ntous  questions  which 
ever  agitated  a  people,  my  army  service,  my  editorial  work, 
my  activity  in  politics  and  intercourse  with  public  men, 
all  tended  to  prepare  me  for  the  untried  service  upon  which 
I  was  then  to  enter.  Had  I  begun  my  career  after  college 
graduation  by  appointment  as  a  Secretary  of  Legation,  for 
instance,  and  risen  by  long  service  and  merit  to  the  mission 
to  Mexico,  I  would  have  been  free  from  the  misgivings  and 
trepidation  which  marked  my  acceptance  of  the  appoint 
ment,  for  I  would  have  been  thoroughly  versed  in  the  routine 
duties ;  but  I  might  not  have  possessed  that  strength  of  char 
acter  and  ability  to  meet  men  in  the  discussion  of  weighty 
matters  which  I  had  acquired  by  the  experiences  through 
which  I  had  passed. 

I  am  a  strong  advocate  for  the  establishment  of  a  regular 
career  for  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  United  States;  I 
would  have  all  Secretaries  of  Legation  enter  the  service 
through  a  competitive  examination ;  continue  in  office  during 


I  ENTER  THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE        13 

good  behavior ;  and,  as  they  should  prove  worthy,  have  them 
promoted  to  Ministers.  But  I  doubt  whether  the  time  will 
ever  come  when  our  Government  will  think  it  wise  to  confine 
the  appointment  of  Ministers  and  Ambassadors  entirely  to 
promotions  from  the  posts  of  Secretary.  It  has  never  been 
so  in  the  Governments  of  Europe  where  the  regular  diplo 
matic  career  has  long  been  an  established  system.  Many 
of  their  most  useful  and  distinguished  diplomats  have  been 
those  who  never  entered  the  service  through  a  competitive 
examination,  but  who  were  appointed  from  other  branches 
of  the  public  service  or  from  private  life. 

After  I  received  official  notice  of  my  nomination  I  had 
the  usual  experience  of  newly-appointed  Ministers.  I  went 
to  Washington  to  pay  my  respects  to  the  President,  make  the 
acquaintance  of  the  Secretary  of  State  and  his  subordinates, 
and  to  receive  my  instructions.  My  first  visit  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  Hamilton  Fish,  could  not  have  been  more 
satisfactory  or  reassuring.  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
again  to  this  useful  and  distinguished  statesman. 

During  this  visit  to  Washington  I  had  my  first  experience 
of  a  diplomatic  dinner.  Senor  Don  Ignacio  Mariscal  was  then 
the  resident  Mexican  Minister.  He  had  been  almost  contin 
uously  in  the  service  of  Mexico  at  Washington  since  1863 
and  was  one  of  the  best-known  and  most  useful  diplomats 
at  the  Capital.  He  received  me  on  this  visit  with  the  utmost 
kindness  and  did  everything  possible  to  prepare  for  me  a 
hearty  welcome  at  the  City  of  Mexico.  Before  leaving  the 
city  he  gave  a  dinner  in  my  honor,  to  which  he  invited  a 
number  of  La  tin- American  and  European  diplomats.  As  I 
had  never  before  been  in  such  society,  I  confess  to  a  feeling 
of  considerable  awe  and  strangeness,  where  insignia  and 
decorations  of  nobility  and  orders  were  conspicuous,  and 
where  Spanish  and  French  were  the  languages  most  used, 
with  both  of  which  I  was  then  unfamiliar. 

In  this  visit  to  Washington  I  had  a  foretaste  of  the  duties 


14  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

which  occupied  much  of  my  time  and  occasioned  me  no  small 
embarrassment  during  my  official  residence  in  Mexico.  I 
was  waited  upon  by  various  American  citizens  or  their  at 
torneys,  who  sought  to  enlist  my  interest  in  claims  against 
the  Government  of  Mexico,  growing  out  of  injuries  alleged 
to  have  been  sustained  to  their  persons  or  property  and  for 
which  they  maintained  that  Government  was  responsible. 
Among  these  callers  was  General  B.  F.  Butler,  then  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress,  a  political  and  Civil  War  celebrity.  When  a 
law  student  at  Harvard  University  I  had  frequently  seen  him 
in  the  Boston  courts  in  contests  with  Rufus  Choate  and  other 
prominent  lawyers.  The  reputation  he  had  then  of  being 
a  very  shrewd  but  not  over-conscientious  individual  had 
followed  him  through  life,  and  was  confirmed  in  the  somewhat 
lengthy  interview  I  had  with  him  about  his  claim,  which 
grew  out  of  a  contract  which  a  company,  of  which  he  was 
the  most  prominent  member,  had  with  the  Government  of 
Mexico  for  the  colonization  of  Lower  California.  After  some 
years  the  Mexican  Government  annulled  the  contract  on  the 
ground  that  the  company  had  failed  to  comply  with  its  con 
ditions  and  that  it  was  really  a  filibustering  scheme  to  annex 
Lower  California  to  the  United  States.  The  General  and 
his  company  gave  the  Department  of  State  much  trouble, 
but  they  were  never  able  to  fix  any  responsibility  on  the 
Mexican  Government. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MISSION  TO   MEXICO 

WHILE  in  Washington,  receiving  the  instructions  for  my  mis 
sion,  I  renewed  my  acquaintance  with  General  William  T. 
Sherman,  then  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States.  Early  in  the  war  I  was  under  his  immediate  command 
and  in  daily  association  with  him  at  Benton  Barracks,  St. 
Louis,  when  he  was  under  a  cloud,  being  regarded  as  having 
an  unbalanced  mind,  because  he  first  of  all  our  leaders  real 
ized  the  magnitude  of  the  rebellion  and  had  the  courage  to 
make  known  his  views  to  the  authorities  at  Washington.  I 
afterwards  served  under  him  at  the  battle  of  Shiloh  and  in 
the  advance  on  Corinth,  as  also  later  in  East  Tennessee.  He 
received  me  in  Washington  with  the  hearty  hospitality  which 
characterized  him,  and  at  one  of  our  meetings  he  inquired 
by  what  route  I  expected  to  go  to  Mexico.  At  that  period 
the  only  regular  communication  from  the  Atlantic  States 
was  by  steamer  sailing  from  New  York  once  in  three  weeks 
for  Vera  Cruz,  via  Havana  and  intermediate  ports,  the  jour 
ney  occupying  about  fourteen  days.  I  told  the  General  I 
should  have  to  take  that  route.  "  That  will  never  do,"  he 
said.  "  I  will  speak  to  Robeson  [Secretary  of  the  Navy]  and 
have  a  man-of-war  sent  to  New  Orleans  to  take  you  to 
Vera  Cruz."  And  he  was  as  good  as  his  word,  for  in  a  few  days 
I  had  official  notice  from  the  Navy  Department  that  a  naval 
vessel  would  be  at  New  Orleans  at  a  date  to  be  agreed  upon 
to  carry  me  to  Mexico. 

New  Orleans  in  those  days  was  seeking  to  recover  its  com 
mercial  prestige,  diminished  by  the  war  and  the  reconstruc 
tion  era,  and  was  looking  hopefully  to  Mexico  for  new  ave- 


16  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

nues  of  trade.  The  Chamber  of  Commerce,  anticipating  my 
arrival,  had  prepared  for  me  a  reception,  at  which  speeches 
were  exchanged,  in  which  on  both  sides  were  expressed  great 
hopes  of  the  early  development  of  an  intimate  and  profitable 
commerce  between  that  city  and  the  Mexican  Gulf  ports  — 
hopes  fondly  cherished  and  repeatedly  expressed  in  later 
years,  but  not  yet  realized.  A  committee  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  conducted  myself  and  family  in  a  commodious 
steamer  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  where  we  were  to 
meet  the  naval  vessel,  and  entertained  us  en  route  with  a 
sumptuous  lunch,  which  proved  a  preparation  ill  fitting  us 
for  our  first  journey  on  the  sea. 

When  we  reached  the  mouth  of  the  great  river,  a  stiff  breeze 
was  blowing  and  the  man-of-war  lay  at  quite  a  distance 
outside  the  bar,  and  to  her  we  had  to  be  transferred  in  small 
boats.  This  passage  in  the  rough  sea  was  too  much  for  us 
landsmen.  I  was  barely  able  to  receive  the  honors  which  the 
punctilious  commodore  had  prepared  for  the  Envoy  Extra 
ordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  and  when  they  were 
over  I  "went  below,"  not  to  reappear  till  we  were  in  sight 
of  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz. 

On  my  arrival  in  the  City  of  Mexico  I  was  welcomed  at  the 
railway  station  by  my  predecessor,  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Nelson, 
and  every  needed  courtesy  extended  to  me  by  him,  even  the 
unusual  one  of  accompanying  me  to  the  National  Palace  and 
introducing  me  to  the  President,  at  the  ceremony  of  the  pre 
sentation  of  my  credentials.  He  might  have  felt  justified  in 
treating  me  with  cold  civility,  as  we  were  both  citizens  of  the 
State  of  Indiana  and  acquaintances  of  several  years'  stand 
ing.  He  desired  to  remain  in  the  service,  had  been  longer 
prominent  in  politics  than  I,  and  might  have  pleaded  greater 
services  to  the  party.  When  the  Mexican  Mission  was  sug 
gested  to  me  by  Senator  Morton,  I  expressed  a  reluctance 
to  its  acceptance  because  an  Indianian  and  a  friend  held  the 
post,  but  the  Senator  said  the  President  had  decided  upon 


THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO  17 

a  change,  and  it  would  be  filled  by  another  if  I  did  not 
take  it. 

Mr.  Nelson  had  for  six  years  previous  to  his  appointment 
to  Mexico  served  as  Minister  to  Chili.  He  was  thoroughly 
patriotic,  an  ardent  American,  distinguished  as  an  orator,  of 
genial  manners  and  convivial  habits  which  made  him  popu 
lar  in  social  and  diplomatic  circles.  He  was  not  a  student, 
and  hence  failed  to  master  the  subjects  he  had  in  hand ;  added 
to  which  a  certain  triviality  of  temperament  possibly  led  to 
his  retirement  from  the  service.  In  diplomacy,  as  in  most 
other  pursuits  of  life,  strict  devotion  to  duty  and  a  mastery 
of  the  matters  one  has  in  hand  usually  lead  to  success. 

I  was  fortunate  in  finding  in  charge  of  the  Mexican  De 
partment  of  Foreign  Affairs  an  accomplished  scholar  and 
a  cultivated  gentleman.  Senor  Don  Jose  M.  Lafragua,  Min 
ister  or  Secretary  of  the  Foreign  Office,  was  a  lawyer  by 
profession,  of  high  literary  attainments,  an  historian,  and  a 
statesman  of  much  experience.  He  was  a  fine  type  of  the  old 
Spanish  hidalgo,  courtly  in  his  manners,  always  dressed  in 
a  black  broadcloth  suit,  with  a  stiff  stock  about  the  neck, 
and  wore  colored  spectacles.  The  following,  somewhat  ab 
breviated,  was  the  introductory  part  of  our  first  meeting 
and  conversation.  I  was  accompanied  to  the  Foreign  Office 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Legation,  who  spoke  Spanish  fluently. 
After  being  presented  and  seated,  the  Minister  addressed 
me  an  inquiry  in  Spanish. 

The  Secretary  interpreted  it:  "The  Minister  says  he  hopes 
Your  Excellency  is  well." 

I  replied:  "Tell  the  Minister  that  I  am  in  perfect 
health." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Minister :  "  His  Excellency  requests 
me  to  say  that  he  is  in  perfect  health." 

Another  inquiry  from  the  Minister  in  Spanish  which  the 
Secretary  interpreted :  "  The  Minister  desires  to  be  informed 
as  to  the  state  of  health  of  Senora  de  Foster." 


18  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

I  replied :  "Say  to  the  Minister  that  I  am  pleased  to  inform 
him  that  Mrs.  Foster  is  very  well." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Minister :  "  His  Excellency  says  he 
is  pleased  to  inform  the  Minister  that  Mrs.  Foster  is  very 
well." 

Another  question  from  the  Minister  interpreted  by  the 
Secretary;  "The  Minister  asks  respecting  the  health  of  His 
Excellency's  children."^ 

I  answered :  "  Kindly  assure  the  Minister  that  my  children 
are  in  good  health." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Minister:  "His  Excellency  asks  me 
to  assure  the  Minister  that  his  children  are  in  good  health." 

The  Minister  then  drew  from  a  side-pocket  a  beautiful 
cigarette-case,  opened  it,  and,  extending  it  to  me,  said  in 
Spanish  interpreted  by  the  Secretary,  "Will  His  Excellency 
do  me  the  favor  to  accept  a  cigarette?  " 

The  Secretary:  "The  Minister  asks  Your  Excellency  to  do 
him  the  favor  to  accept  a  cigarette." 

I  responded:  "Beg  the  Minister  to  excuse  me  and  make 
my  apology  that  I  never  smoke." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Minister:  "His  Excellency  begs  the 
Minister  to  excuse  him  and  requests  me  to  apologize  that 
he  never  smokes." 

Again  the  Minister  speaks  and  the  Secretary  repeats :  "  The 
Minister  directs  me  to  ask  if  smoking  is  offensive  to  Your 
Excellency." 

I  said :  "Assure  the  Minister  that  on  the  contrary  tobacco 
smoke  is  quite  agreeable  to  me." 

The  Secretary  to  the  Minister:  "His  Excellency  says  that, 
on  the  contrary,  tobacco  smoke  is  quite  agreeable  to  him." 

Whereupon  the  Minister,  rising,  extends  the  cigarette- 
case  to  the  Secretary,  addressing  him  in  Spanish,  the  latter, 
better  trained  than  I  in  diplomatic  ways,  accepts  a  cigarette ; 
the  Minister  strikes  a  match,  lights  the  Secretary's  cigarette 
and  one  for  himself,  they  are  seated,  and  after  some  further 


THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO  19 

inquiries  of  me,  duly  interpreted  by  the  Secretary,  as  to  the 
experiences  of  our  journey,  in  which  several  more  minutes 
were  consumed,  I  was  permitted  to  state  the  business  which 
brought  me  to  the  Foreign  Office. 

In  the  hundred  and  more  visits  which  I  made  to  Senor 
Lafragua,  the  conversation  which  I  have  quoted  above, 
with  the  cigarette  episode,  was  invariably  repeated  almost 
verbatim.  After  a  few  such  calls,  I  found  that  I  must  either 
learn  Spanish  or  accustom  myself  to  the  use  of  the  cigarette. 
I  chose  the  former  alternative,  and  after  some  months  of  as 
siduous  study  and  practice,  I  was  enabled  to  carry  on  a  con 
versation  at  the  Foreign  Office  without  the  aid  of  a  secre 
tary,  and  in  due  time  began  to  appreciate  the  value  in  my 
mission  of  a  free  use  of  the  language  of  the  country.  An 
ambitious  diplomat  would  doubtless  have  accepted  the 
two  accomplishments  of  the  service,  and  made  use  of  the 
cigarette-case  as  well  as  the  language. 

One  of  the  matters  which  first  commanded  my  attention 
after  I  was  installed  in  the  Legation  at  Mexico  was  to  make 
the  acquaintance  of  the  American  colony.  I  was  told  that 
there  was  no  "  American  colony  "  worthy  of  the  name.  It 
is  true  there  were  few  American  residents  compared  with 
the  present  day.  There  was  no  railroad  communication,  and 
intercourse  between  the  two  countries  was  dependent  on 
ships  from  New  York  at  rare  intervals  and  travel  overland 
through  the  sparsely  settled  regions  of  the  frontier.  I  had, 
however,  little  trouble  in  finding  quite  a  number  of  country 
men  in  the  City  of  Mexico  and  its  vicinity.1 

1  In  a  dispatch  to  the  Department  in  1875,  I  made  the  following 
report  :  "  The  number  of  adult  Americans  at  present  residing  in  the 
Federal  District  (the  Capital  and  vicinity)  is  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty,  of  which  sixty  are  heads  of  families,  representing  an  American 
population  of  almost  three  hundred  and  fifty.  The  occupations  of 
these  residents  are  :  A  few  merchants,  several  teachers  and  professors 
in  private  and  public  schools,  editors,  officers  and  employes  of  the 
Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz  Railroad,  civil  engineers,  superintendents  of  es 
tates,  mechanics  and  laborers." 


20  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

My  credentials  to  the  Government  were  presented  June  16, 
1873,  and  I  issued  an  invitation  to  all  the  male  Americans, 
whose  addresses  I  could  ascertain,  within  easy  reach  of  the 
Capital,  to  meet  me  at  dinner  on  the  Fourth  of  July  in  cele 
bration  of  the  national  anniversary.  Between  fifty  and  sixty 
citizens  responded  to  the  invitation.  The  unusual  event, 
celebrated  in  one  of  the  tivolis  or  restaurants  in  the  suburbs 
of  the  city,  attracted  general  notice  and  favorable  comment 
by  the  native  and  foreign  press  of  the  Capital.  The  "Two 
Republics,"  edited  by  an  American,  said:  "It  was  a  joyous 
occasion  replete  with  harmony,  patriotism,  and  American 
fellowship  —  a  proud  exhibition  which  has  not  been  witnessed 
in  this  Capital,  lo !  these  many  years.  .  .  .  This  day  marked 
a  new  era  of  American  nationality  in  Mexico,  which  had  been 
allowed,  disgracefully,  to  dwindle  into  comparative  insigni 
ficance."  The  writer  of  this  notice  was  an  ex-Confederate 
major,  who  came  to  Mexico  at  the  close  of  our  Civil  War 
rather  than  live  under  the  Government  of  the  restored  Union. 
There  were  quite  a  number  of  other  ex-Confederate  soldiers 
present  at  the  dinner,  and  none  were  more  enthusiastic 
participants  in  the  national  festival. 

As  indicating  my  purpose  in  giving  the  entertainment,  my 
readers  will  indulge  me  in  a  little  " Fourth  of  July- oratory" 
by  reproducing  my  introductory  remarks  on  the  occasion :  — 


Fellow  Countrymen,  —  I  had  two  objects  in  view  in  invit 
ing  you  to  meet  me  in  this  manner  to-day.  Being  a  stranger 
to  every  American  citizen  resident  in  Mexico  on  my  recent 
arrival,  I  have  adopted  this  method  of  making  your  acquaint 
ance,  and  I  congratulate  myself  on  so  large,  intelligent,  and 
respectable  an  assemblage  of  my  fellow  countrymen.  I  had 
been  told  that  there  were  very  few  Americans  in  Mexico, 
and  very  little  congeniality,  sympathy,  and  sociability  among 
them.  I  am  sure  the  present  company  abundantly  disproves 
that  assertion.  I  am  certain  that  what  America  is  and  what 


THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO  21 

Americans  have  achieved  at  home  and  abroad  offer  no  reason 
why  we  should  be  ashamed  of  our  country,  our  citizenship, 
or  of  each  other's  society.  I  hoped  by  thus  affording  an  op 
portunity  for  Americans  to  meet  together,  we  might  become 
better  acquainted  with  each  other,  promote  social  inter 
course,  and  in  some  measure  elevate  the  standard  of  Ameri 
can  citizenship  in  the  place  of  our  present  residence. 

I  regretted  to  learn  that  for  many  years  there  had  been 
no  general  observance  of  our  national  anniversary  by  the 
Americans  of  Mexico  as  a  body.  I  was  unwilling  that  this 
Fourth  of  July  should  pass  by  without  some  commemoration 
of  American  Independence,  in  which  all  its  citizens  would 
have  an  opportunity  to  unite.  I  am  gratified  that  you  have 
so  heartily  seconded  my  wish.  Certainly  there  never  was 
a  time  when  Americans  had  more  abundant  cause  to  rejoice 
in  their  country's  greatness  and  glory  than  to-day. 

Never  has  she  occupied  so  proud  a  position  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  Never  in  her  past  history  was  there 
greater  freedom,  more  perfect  equality,  observance  of  law 
and  order,  widespread  intelligence  and  prosperity,  peace  and 
happiness  than  now.  And  coming  as  I  do  so  recently  from 
the  United  States,  I  am  happy  to  assure  you  that  the  terrible 
wounds  made  in  our  country  by  the  late  Civil  War  are  rapidly 
being  healed ;  the  spirit  of  conciliation  is  fast  taking  the  place 
of  resentment;  and,  with  solitary  exceptions  in  a  few  locali 
ties,  there  is  a  general  disposition  on  the  part  of  all  our  people 
to  look,  not  to  the  past,  but  to  the  busy  present  and  the  future. 
The  changed  condition  of  the  country  and  the  constitution 
are  accepted  facts,  and  under  the  glorious  old  Flag  of  our 
Fathers  and  as  one  united  and  indissoluble  nation,  we  are 
going  forward  in  a  grander  career  of  progress,  usefulness, 
and  greatness  than  ever  before.  Whatever  may  be  our  party 
or  sectional  sympathies,  I  am  sure  that,  away  from  our  homes 
in  this  foreign  land,  we  can  sink  them  all  in  the  higher  and 
nobler  sentiment  of  nationality,  and  regard  each  other  as  the 


22  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

honored  members  of  one  common  family.   I  can  assure  you 
that  officially  and  socially  I  will  know  you  only  as  Americans. 

From  that  day  forward  to  the  present  time,  with  few 
omissions,  the  national  anniversary  has  been  celebrated  an 
nually  in  the  City  of  Mexico  by  the  American  residents, -and 
its  observance  has  had  a  healthful  influence  in  keeping  alive 
their  attachment  to  their  country  and  its  institutions.  I 
sought  to  make  my  entertainment  of  permanent  value,  and 
at  the  close  of  the  dinner,  before  the  guests  dispersed,  I  sug 
gested  that  they  organize  themselves  into  a  society.  I  said 
to  them  that  in  my  brief  residence  I  had  found  that  there 
were  unfortunate  countrymen  often  calling  for  needed  re 
lief.  Thereupon  all  those  present  cheerfully  united  in  form 
ing  the  American  Benevolent  Society,  sustained  by  annual 
dues ;  which  has  proved  a  great  blessing  to  many  a  stranded 
or  sick  American;  and  the  outgrowth  of  which  is  the  excel 
lent  American  Hospital  in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

The  Benevolent  Society  relieved  me  of  many  calls  which 
are  common  to  our  legations  abroad  to  aid  distressed  or 
impecunious  countrymen,  but  it  not  infrequently  came  in 
my  way  to  render  needed  and  appreciated  service.  I  give  an 
instance  by  way  of  illustration.  A  young  man  just  out  of  col 
lege  and  with  his  "wild  oats"  not  all  sown,  the  son  of  a  promi 
nent  and  worthy  citizen  and  proprietor  of  the  leading  news 
paper  in  one  of  the  large  cities  of  the  United  States,  induced 
his  father  to  give  him  an  outing  to  New  Orleans.  He  there 
fell  into  the  company  of  convivial  companions.  A  steamer 
was  sailing  for  Vera  Cruz,  and  they  told  him  of  the  great 
opportunities  for  business  and  speculations  in  Mexico,  the  el- 
dorado  of  adventurers.  These  stories  recalled  his  reading  of 
Prescott,  and  contrary  to  his  father's  expectations  of  an 
early  return  home,  he  took  passage  on  the  steamer  to  try 
his  fortunes  in  the  land  of  Cortez  and  the  gold-hunters.  He 
arrived  in  the  City  of  Mexico  fleeced  of  the  money  which  was 


THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO  23 

to  have  taken  him  back  home;  and  surrounded  with  dis 
reputable  associates. 

My  attention  was  called  to  his  wretched  situation  after 
he  had  been  some  time  in  the  city.  I  had  made  the  acquaint 
ance  of  his  father  in  the  meetings  of  the  Associated  Press,  and 
feeling  a  personal  interest  in  the  case,  I  brought  about  a  visit 
by  the  young  man  to  the  Legation,  and  with  the  exercise 
of  a  little  diplomacy  extracted  from  him  the  story  of  his  sad 
plight.  He  took  my  friendly  advice  in  good  part,  and  agreed 
to  go  back  to  his  home  if  he  could  be  provided  with  the 
means  of  doing  so.  I  took  him  to  one  of  the  banks,  had  him 
draw  a  draft  on  his  father,  which  I  endorsed  and  had  cashed 
for  him.  Under  the  oversight  of  a  passenger  going  to  the 
States,  he  took  passage  on  the  next  steamer,  and  returned 
to  his  home.  Some  time  after  I  heard  of  his  marriage,  and 
that  he  had  settled  down  to  succeed  to  the  management  of 
his  father's  business. 

In  due  time  I  received  a  most  expressive  letter  from  the 
father,  thanking  me  for  saving  his  boy,  as  he  termed  it,  and 
hoping  that  an  opportunity  might  come  to  him  to  repay  my 
kindness.  On  my  next  visit  to  the  United  States  he  gave 
prominent  editorial  notice  to  it  in  his  paper,  and  stated  that 
my  return  had  been  made  the  occasion  in  the  cities  through 
which  I  had  passed  "of  an  ovation  such  as  few  public  men 
receive  in  this  country  for  having  faithfully  discharged  the 
duties  of  their  office."  Not  content  with  this  somewhat 
imaginative  account,  he  spoke  of  my  record  in  the  war,  as 
a  lawyer,  and  a  diplomatist,  and  he  referred  to  me  as  a  citi 
zen  "of  eminent  scholarly  attainments  who  had  devoted 
much  time  to  the  archaeological  history  of  America,"  a  branch 
of  knowledge  to  which  I  had  given  no  attention,  the  grateful 
father  in  his  zeal  confounding  me  with  a  distinguished  savant 
of  the  same  name  of  another  State !  So  long  as  he  lived,  his 
paper  never  omitted  an  opportunity  to  speak  kindly,  even 
extravagantly,  of  my  public  services. 


24  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

In  order  to  do  my  share  in  keeping  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
my  absent  fellow  citizens  the  festive  institutions  at  least  of 
our  country,  my  first  Fourth  of  July  dinner  was  followed 
in  November  by  the  observance  of  the  National  Thanks 
giving  Day.  All  resident  and  visiting  Americans  were  in 
vited  to  the  Legation  on  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  many 
of  the  Mexican  official  and  private  society  attended.  The 
President's  proclamation  was  read,  and  patriotic  songs  and 
social  gayety  marked  the  occasion.  Such  meetings  were  held 
on  each  recurring  Thanksgiving  Day  during  my  residence 
in  Mexico.  The  President  of  the  Republic,  members  of  the 
Cabinet  and  of  Congress,  of  the  army  and  of  unofficial  society 
were  often  present,  and  thus  had  an  object-lesson  that  our 
nation,  though  without  a  state  church,  was  not  without 
recognition  of  religion  and  of  an  overruling  Providence. 

Washington's  Birthday  was  marked  by  the  annual  meet 
ing  of  the  American  Benevolent  Society,  and  usually  by  a 
public  reception  and  ball  at  the  Legation.  There  being  no 
suitable  portrait  of  Washington  available  in  the  city,  the 
Americans  subscribed  a  fund  and  had  a  life-sized  portrait 
of  the  Father  of  his  Country  painted  by  an  eminent  Mexican 
artist,  and  presented  it  to  the  Minister,  to  adorn  the  Lega 
tion  library  and  to  to  be  used  at  the  celebration  of  national 
holidays. 

Neither  were  the  little  folks  neglected.  On  Christmas 
Day  all  the  children  of  the  American  and  English  families 
and  of  other  English-speaking  residents  were  gathered  at  the 
Legation  to  enjoy  the  Christmas-tree  and  youthful  sports. 
In  addition  to  these  annual  gatherings,  the  Legation  was 
opened  informally  on  Tuesday  evenings  for  the  reception 
of  such  friends  of  the  Minister's  family  as  found  it  convenient 
to  call.  A  smoking-room  was  at  the  service  of  the  gentlemen, 
Mrs.  Foster  served  a  cup  of  tea  and  other  light  refreshments 
during  the  evening,  and  if  the  size  and  character  of  the  com 
pany  warranted  it  the  spacious  Legation  library  was  available 


THE  MISSION  TO  MEXICO  25 

for  a  dance.  These  weekly  Tuesday  evening  receptions  were 
neither  extravagant  nor  ostentatious,  but  they  proved  very 
popular  and  became  quite  a  social  feature  of  the  Capital, 
affording  the  resident  and  visiting  English-speaking  and 
Mexican  families  an  opportunity  of  making  each  other's 
acquaintance  not  often  otherwise  presented,  and  thus  pro 
moting  better  social  relations. 

Observing  the  custom  of  the  Catholic  countries,  Sunday 
in  Mexico  was  made  the  social  day  of  the  week.  After  morn 
ing  service  at  the  church,  the  remainder  of  the  day  was  given 
up  to  visiting,  dinner-giving,  and  private  or  public  enjoy 
ment,  it  being  the  day  chosen  for  the  bull-fights,  and  the 
theatres  were  open  in  the  evening.  Calls  were  made  on  us 
by  foreigners  and  Mexicans  on  Sunday  afternoons,  but  they 
were  not  returned  by  us  on  that  day,  nor  did  we  accept 
invitations  to  breakfasts  or  dinners  or  give  such  entertain 
ments.  At  home  it  had  been  our  practice  to  observe  Sunday 
as  a  religious  and  rest  day,  and  we  did  not  think  it  necessary 
to  abandon  our  custom.  Our  friends  in  Mexico  soon  came  to 
understand  us,  and  in  a  little  while  we  ceased  to  be  embar 
rassed  by  calls  or  invitations.  We  were  regarded  by  them  as 
a  little  odd,  but  we  never  found  that  we  suffered  thereby  in 
their  good  esteem. 


CHAPTER  III 

SOCIAL  LIFE   IN  MEXICO 

To  a  foreign  resident  of  Mexico  in  "the  seventies"  the  ab 
sence  of  facilities  of  communication  with  the  outer  world  most 
impressed  him.  The  one  railroad  in  the  country  was  that 
from  the  seaport  of  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Capital,  two  hundred 
and  sixty  miles  in  length.  The  only  regular  communication 
with  the  United  States  was  by  steamer  leaving  Vera  Cruz 
for  New  York  once  in  three  weeks.  The  British  Royal  Mail 
steamer  and  the  French  line  for  St.  Nazaire,  making  the 
itinerary  of  the  West  Indies,  touched  at  Vera  Cruz  monthly. 
During  the  first  years  of  my  residence  there  was  no  tele 
graphic  communication  with  the  outside  world.  Later  an 
overland  line  was  established,  with  a  single  wire  running 
through  the  long  stretch  of  desert  and  thinly  settled  country 
of  Northern  Mexico.  In  that  timberless  region  the  poles 
which  supported  the  wire  were  of  the  most  flimsy  character 
and  were  favorite  objects  with  which  the  range  cattle 
scratched  their  backs.  As  a  consequence  the  line  was  down 
more  often  than  in  working  order.  It  was  quite  common 
for  me  to  receive  the  confirmatory  copy  of  official  telegrams 
from  the  Department  by  mail,  ten  days  from  date,  before 
the  originals  were  delivered.  Such  a  thing  as  the  publication 
of  telegraphic  news  in  the  press  of  the  Capital  was  unknown 
in  my  day. 

Having  been  an  editor  and  addicted  to  reading  the  news, 
on  leaving  for  my  mission  I  took  the  precaution  to  have 
myself  supplied  with  the  current  periodical  literature.  Two 
daily  papers  from  my  home  city  were  subscribed  for,  one  from 
the  State  Capital,  one  from  Washington,  and  two  from  New 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  MEXICO  27 

York,  besides  a  number  of  weekly  and  monthly  journals 
and  magazines.  When  our  mail  arrived  from  the  United 
States  by  the  New  York  steamer  once  in  three  weeks,  it  was 
dleivered  to  me  literally  by  the  bushel  and  sometimes  even 
by  the  cartload.  How  to  read  up  the  news  was  a  serious 
problem.  My  wife,  with  a  woman's  instinct  to  "  get  at  things," 
went  straight  for  the  latest  paper,  but  with  my  methodical 
training  I  began  by  arranging  all  my  dailies  in  chronological 
order  and  reading  up  from  the  earliest  to  the  latest  dates, 
but  it  was  tedious  work  and  I  soon  abandoned  that  method. 

The  Mexican  postage  at  that  period  was  a  matter  of  some 
consequence.  Every  letter  from  the  United  States,  in  addi 
tion  to  our  domestic  rate,  was  charged  twenty-five  cents 
per  half-ounce.  This  charge  constituted  a  considerable  item 
in  the  Legation  contingent  account. 

In  those  days  much  the  greater  part  of  Mexican  commerce 
and  correspondence  was  with  Europe,  and  for  the  foreign 
residents  the  most  important  event  was  the  arrival  of  the 
monthly  European  steamer.  "  Mail- week  "  was  the  busy  time 
for  the  foreign  bankers  and  merchants  —  that  is,  a  few  days 
before  the  arrival  of  the  steamer  in  preparation  for  the  out 
going  mail  and  the  few  days  the  steamer  was  lying  in  port 
awaiting  the  return  mail  from  the  Capital.  In  these  circles 
all  was  confinement  to  office- work  during  mail-week.  But 
after  the  mail  had  gone  a  season  of  relaxation  and  recreation 
followed,  and  it  was  taken  advantage  of  for  picnics  and  ex 
cursions  to  the  many  attractive  places  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico 
or  even  across  the  mountains  to  the  capital  cities  of  Cuerna- 
vaca,  Toluca  or  Pachuca,  or  to  Puebla  by  rail. 

A  large-hearted  Scotchman  had  a  cotton  factory,  with  a 
commodious  residence  and  beautiful  garden  attached,  nest 
ling  among  the  foothills  of  the  snow-clad  volcanoes  of  Popo 
catepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  Capital. 
Here  he  had  entertained  Lieutenant  U.  S.  Grant  and  other 
American  officers  of  General  Scott's  army,  on  their  way  to 


28  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  reach  the  peak  of  Popocatepetl. 
Here  many  a  British- American  party  was  entertained  in  my 
day.  Texcoco,  across  the  lake  from  the  city,  was  also  a  fa 
vorite  object  of  a  two  or  three  days'  excursion.  A  genial 
French  mill-owner  dispensed  a  cheerful  hospitality  at  his 
home,  surrounded  by  charming  grounds,  fountains  and  rivu 
lets  of  mountain  water.  The  Aztec  ruins  scattered  over 
the  hillsides  in  profusion  afforded  objects  of  interest; 
and  the  hacienda  or  plantation  of  a  rich  Spaniard  near  by, 
encircled  by  broad  fields  of  grain  and  pulque  (maguey) 
plants,  afforded  a  most  comfortable  and  welcome  rest  on  the 
way.  On  the  other  side  of  the  valley,  favorite  picnic  resorts 
were  the  beautiful  suburb  of  San  Angel,  where  the  mountain- 
stream,  fresh  from  its  fountain  of  snow,  rushed  over  the  cas 
cade  ;  and  "El  Desierto,"  an  extensive  abandoned  monastery, 
hid  away  in  the  dense  forest  high  up  on  the  mountain. 

These  excursions  about  the  valley  were  all  made  on  horse 
back,  the  gentlemen  of  the  party  invariably  carrying  fire 
arms  ;  and  when  a  foreign  minister  was  of  the  party,  the  Gov 
ernment  sent  along  a  mounted  military  escort.  In  the  troub 
lous  times  of  the  Lerdo  Administration,  and  while  the  Diaz 
revolution  was  active,  often  even  within  sight  of  the  Cap 
ital  the  highwayman  made  the  roads  hazardous,  and  the  kid 
napper  rendered  residence  in  the  country  insecure.  The  mail 
coaches  from  the  interior  were  not  infrequently  "  held  up" 
and  the  passengers  came  into  the  city  with  newspapers  for 
their  only  apparel.  On  my  first  arrival  I  was  entertained  by 
the  blood-curdling  narrative  of  the  kidnapping  of  a  rich 
hacendado,  or  planter,  almost  under  the  shadow  of  the  city 
gate  and  the  horrible  torture  to  which  he  was  subjected  in 
order  to  induce  his  friends  to  send  the  enormous  ransom  de 
manded.  Too  often  these  inhuman  outlaws  were  successful 
in  extorting  the  ransom,  but  in  this  instance  the  kidnap 
pers,  thanks  to  the  vigilance  of  the  Government,  were  found 
and  immediately,  without  trial  or  hearing,  were  placed 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  MEXICO  29 

against  a  wall  and  shot  to  death.  The  condition  of  the  coun 
try  at  that  time  recalled  the  days  of  the  old  Hebrew  judges, 
when  it  is  recorded  "the  highways  were  unoccupied  and 
the  travelers  walked  through  byways."  But  this  condition 
did  not  deter  the  foreign  colony  intent  on  an  outing,  and 
only  seemed  to  add  piquancy  to  the  excursions. 

The  American,  English,  German,  and  French  residents 
found  among  themselves  congenial  society,  but  it  was  not 
so  easy  to  break  through  the  crust  of  the  Mexican  and  Span 
ish  upper  circles.  As  we  came  to  speak  the  language  and  be 
came  more  familiar  with  their  customs,  they  began  to  come 
to  the  receptions  at  the  Legation,  and  we  were  welcome 
guests  in  their  homes;  so  that  before  we  left  the  country 
many  of  our  warmest  friends  were  among  the  higher  classes 
of  Mexican  society.  There  was  a  certain  reserve  in  this  so 
ciety  towards  foreign  acquaintance,  but  when  this  was  over 
come  they  were  found  by  us  most  cordial  and  hospitable. 
The  more  wealthy  Mexican  families  lived  in  commodious 
mansions;  once  in  a  few  years  they  gave  a  grand  "tertulia" 
or  evening  party  and  ball,  but  dinner-giving  to  which  for 
eigners  were  invited  was  not  common  among  them.  On  their 
haciendas,  or  country  estates,  however,  they  dispensed  a 
prodigal  hospitality,  to  which  foreigners  were  often  welcome 
guests. 

Dinner-giving  was  quite  in  vogue  with  a  few  of  the  foreign 
families  and  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  but  the  cuisine 
of  most  households  was  limited,  and  social  clubs  were  not 
organized  till  a  later  date.  When  a  large  dinner  or  banquet 
was  to  be  given  resort  was  often  had  to  the  use  of  the  popu 
lar  restaurants  or  tivolis  in  the  suburbs.  I  recall  a  dinner 
served  by  Poraz,  the  French  proprietor  of  the  leading  tivoli, 
because  it  was  vividly  impressed  on  all  the  participants.  A 
Scotch  gentleman  from  California,  with  a  charming  American 
wife,  had  been  spending  some  months  in  Mexico  seeking  a 
railway  concession.  In  return  for  many  courtesies  received, 


30  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

he  gave  a  large  entertainment,  or  "breakfast,"  as  it  was 
termed,  at  this  tivoli.  The  ladies  and  gentlemen  were  in 
vited  for  twelve,  noon,  but  did  not  sit  down  at  the  table 
till  one  o'clock.  It  was  a  long  course  dinner,  as  was  the  custom 
at  such  feasts  there,  interspersed  with  toasts  and  speeches 
in  great  variety.  The  dinner  was  a  good  one,  well  served,  but 
a  little  tedious,  as  we  did  not  rise  from  the  table  till  after 
5  o'clock;  its  most  notable  feature  was  a  beautiful  Sevres 
china  service,  which  Poraz  had  just  brought  back  with  him 
from  a  recent  trip  to  Paris,  and  used  then  for  the  first  time, 
commanding  the  admiration  and  envy  of  the  ladies  espe 
cially. 

But  the  entertainment  was  not  yet  ended,  as  we  all  re 
paired  to  the  boliche,  or  bowling-alley,  or  sat  under  the  shade 
of  the  great  trees  of  the  garden,  smoking,  sipping  cordials, 
or  drinking  tea  and  pousse-caf e.  The  company  did  not  dis 
perse  till  after  six  o'clock,  quite  a  number,  ourselves  among 
them,  hurrying  off  to  the  city  to  take  a  little  rest  and  change 
our  dress;  for  we  were  invited  by  a  diplomat  to  dine  with 
him  at  7  o'clock,  as  a  farewell  to  the  Scotch  railroad  promoter. 
With  great  exertion  we  reached  the  house  of  our  host  at  the 
hour  indicated,  still  sated  with  the  tivoli  breakfast,  when 
we  were  ushered  out  to  the  dining-room,  to  be  served  by 
Poraz,  on  his  new  Sevres  porcelain,  precisely  the  same  menu 
we  had  been  regaled  with  at  the  tivoli  only  an  hour  or  so 
before ! 

During  the  early  part  of  my  residence  in  Mexico  the  Dip 
lomatic  Corps  was  very  small.  This  was  occasioned  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  so-called  Empire  and  the  execution  of 
Maximilian.  Those  events  were  followed  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  British,  French,  Spanish,  Austrian,  and  Belgian 
Ministers,  all  those  nations  having  been  concerned  in  the 
tripartite  intervention  of  1861  against  the  Liberal  Govern 
ment  or  associated  with  the  maintenance  of  the  Empire. 
The  German  and  Italian  Governments  being  free  from  those 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  MEXICO  31 

entanglements,  accredited  Ministers  to  the  Republic  under 
Juarez;  and  the  Spanish,  never  very  heartily  in  the  inter 
vention,  soon  afterwards  sent  a  representative.  These, 
with  a  Guatemalan,  constituted  the  Diplomatic  Corps  on 
my  arrival. 

Because  of  the  absence  of  representatives  of  the  leading 
European  Powers,  there  was  thrown  upon  the  Legation  of 
the  United  States  a  large  amount  of  unofficial  duties.  I  was 
called  upon  from  time  to  time  to  exercise  my  good  offices 
with  the  Mexican  Government,  by  eight  different  countries, 
to  wit,  Great  Britain,  France,  Austria,  Belgium,  Switzerland, 
Russia,  Sweden,  and  Japan.  And  as  it  became  necessary 
for  the  Mexican  Government  also  at  times  to  communicate 
with  some  of  these  countries,  my  good  offices  were  invoked 
by  it  for  such  purpose. 

I  was  asked  most  frequently  to  act  in  behalf  of  British 
interests.  The  first  note  I  addressed  to  the  Mexican  Foreign 
Office  was  in  behalf  of  a  British  mercantile  and  banking  house, 
which  was  seeking  to  establish  a  large  claim  for  damages 
caused  by  the  acts  of  the  Mexican  authorities.  British 
bankers,  merchants,  and  mining  companies  were  established 
throughout  the  Republic,  and  during  my  entire  term  of 
service  I  was  repeatedly  called  upon  to  interpose  in  their 
behalf. 

My  relations  with  the  British  residents  were  quite  intimate 
and  cordial,  they  regarding  me  as  their  de  facto  Minister,  and 
the  London  Foreign  Office  made  frequent  expressions  of 
appreciation  of  my  service,  which  it  would  have  put  into  the 
form  of  decorations ;  but  that,  happily  for  the  good  of  our 
foreign  service,  is  not  permitted  by  our  Government.  From 
the  other  Governments  named,  I  also  received  repeated  ex 
pressions  of  thanks  for  the  good  offices  rendered  to  their 
subjects  and  their  interests. 

The  French  population  of  Mexico  was  more  numerous  than 
the  British,  but  was  not  of  such  a  character  in  its  business 


32  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

relations  as  to  require  so  much  of  my  time,  although  I  was 
frequently  called  upon  for  my  good  offices,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  French  Sisters  of  Charity,  related  in  the  next  chapter. 
These  Sisters  before  their  departure  sent  a  delegation  to 
the  Legation  to  express  their  thanks  for  my  interposition. 

The  diplomatic  estrangement  caused  by  the  overthrow  of 
the  Maximilian  regime  passed  away  with  the  lapse  of  time, 
and  during  the  successful  administration  of  President  Diaz 
all  of  the  leading  Powers  not  only  of  Europe  but  of  the  world 
have  established  permanent  relations  with  his  Government. 
By  the  changes  of  the  representatives  and  my  higher  rank,  I 
soon  became  the  dean  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  My  relations 
with  my  colleagues  were  always  of  the  most  cordial  charac 
ter.  The  first  German  Minister  during  my  residence,  Count 
Gustave  Enzenberg,  was  an  experienced  diplomat  and  culti 
vated  gentleman,  but  somewhat  eccentric.  He  wore  pro 
minent  scars  on  his  face,  not  indicative  of  military  service, 
but  caused  by  dueling  in  his  student  days.  At  the  age  of 
seventy-six  he  became  enamoured  with  his  niece,  of  less 
than  half  his  age.  Because  of  his  Protestantism  and  the 
consanguineal  relation,  a  dispensation  from  the  Church  had 
to  be  obtained,  the  niece  being  a  devout  Catholic,  and  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  complain  to  his  intimate  friends  that  it  was 
a  very  costly  proceeding.  The  marriage  ceremony,  which 
was  celebrated  in  the  private  chapel  of  the  Archbishop,  took 
place  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  At  his  special  request 
the  Diplomatic  Corps  attended  in  full  uniform.  As  a  diplo 
matic  costume  is  forbidden  in  the  service  of  our  Government, 
I  gratified  the  old  Minister  by  appearing  in  the  military 
uniform  I  wore  in  the  army.  As  the  wedding  occurred  in  the 
early  morning  after  our  National  Thanksgiving  Day,  which 
we  were  celebrating  with  a  ball  in  the  Legation,  we  "made 
a  night  of  it,"  and  went  from  the  ball  to  the  Archbishop's 
palace. 

Another  narrative  of  my  relations  with  my  venerable 


SOCIAL  LIFE  IN  MEXICO  33 

colleague  may  be  related,  because  it  illustrates  the  defects 
in  my  education  and  also  the  weather  conditions  in  Mexico. 
The  Count  was  passionately  fond  of  music,  especially  of  the 
German  masters.  A  countryman  of  his,  a  professional  of 
some  note,  was  in  the  city,  and  he  invited  a  select  party  of 
his  friends  to  a  private  musicale  in  the  Legation.  It  was  in 
the  rainy  season,  and  about  an  hour  before  the  time  fixed  for 
the  entertainment  the  windows  of  heaven  were  opened  and 
such  a  torrent  of  rain  came  down  as  had  not  fallen  for  years. 
The  city  was  in  those  days  practically  without  sewers,  and 
the  streets  were  so  flooded  it  became  hazardous  to  make  the 
journey  to  the  Legation  in  the  darkness. 

It  was  out  of  the  question  for  Mrs.  Foster  to  go,  but  fear 
ing  the  Count  might  be  disappointed  by  others  of  his  guests, 
I  decided  to  attend,  thinking  to  excuse  myself  and  slip  away 
after  the  musicale  was  begun.  But  lo !  I  was  the  only  one  of 
the  guests  who  appeared,  the  elements  were  so  threatening. 
I  supposed  the  entertainment  would  be  postponed,  but,  no ; 
the  Count's  passion  for  music  would  not  permit  the  opportun 
ity  to  pass,  and  so  the  entire  recital  was  gone  through  with, 
and  there  being  no  chance  for  me  to  escape  as  I  had  planned, 
I  was  compelled  to  sit  through  two  hours  and  listen  to  class 
ical  music  which  I  could  not  enjoy,  as  I  was  utterly  untu 
tored  in  the  art  and  could  hardly  distinguish  one  note  or  tune 
from  another.  My  host,  however,  was  enthusiastic.  When 
the  last  note  sounded,  I  would  gladly  have  taken  my  leave, 
but  a  sumptuous  supper  had  been  provided,  and  my  hospit 
able  host  would  not  allow  me  to  go  till  that  was  served.  Some 
time  after  midnight  I  managed  to  reach  the  Legation  in 
safety,  much  to  the  relief  of  my  anxious  wife,  who  had  looked 
for  my  early  return. 

The  renewal  of  diplomatic  relations  with  the  European 
Governments,  which  had  been  broken  off  on  the  death  of 
Maximilian,  has  already  been  mentioned.  The  last  of  those 
to  reestablish  relations  was  Austria,  whose  archduke  had 


34  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

been  so  ruthlessly  slain  by  the  Republican  Government  of 
Mexico.  This  was  brought  about  by  the  delicate  attentions 
of  the  Mexican  Government  and  the  honors  paid  by  the  army 
at  the  dedication  of  the  memorial  chapel  which  had  been 
erected  at  Queretaro  on  the  spot  where  Maximilian  was  shot. 
A  strange  sequel  has  followed  the  renewal  of  relations. 
The  first  Mexican  Minister  appointed  to  Vienna  died  there 
after  only  a  two  days'  illness,  within  four  months  after  his 
arrival ;  and  his  successor,  Don  Jose  de  Zenil,  a  diplomat  of 
culture  and  experience,  had  a  still  more  frightful  experience, 
being  found  dead  in  his  bed  one  morning  soon  after  his  ar 
rival  at  his  post.  The  Mexicans  are  possibly  not  over-super 
stitious,  but  they  have  come  to  regard  Austria  as  fated  to  bring 
misfortune  on  their  country,  the  sudden  deaths  of  those  two 
Ministers  have  added  to  that  conviction,  and  Vienna  is  no 
longer  regarded  as  a  desirable  post  by  Mexican  diplomats. 


CHAPTER  IV 

ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS 

COMBINING  a  study  of  the  country  with  recreation,  we  had 
frequent  resort  to  excursions  or  journeys  to  the  more  distant 
States  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  One  of  these  was  a  horse 
back  trip  from  Cordova  to  Jalapa,  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz. 
I  find  an  account  of  it,  written  by  me  at  the  time,  in  a  letter 
to  one  of  my  daughters,  then  at  school  in  the  United  States. 
As  it  gives  my  fresh  impressions  of  the  journey,  although 
somewhat  familiar  in  style,  I  transcribe  it. 

VERA  CRUZ,  MEXICO,  January  13,  1875. 

MY  DEAR  EDITH  —  Your  mamma  and  I  are  here  on  our 
way  back  to  the  Legation  from  a  long  horseback  trip,  and 
as  we  have  an  opportunity  to  send  letters  by  an  English 
steamer  going  to  Galveston  this  afternoon,  I  thought  I 
would  write  you  a  hurried  account  of  it. 

We  left  Mexico  City  just  ten  days  ago  and  came  down  to 
Cordova,  where  we  arrived  at  half-past  one  in  the  afternoon. 
Dr.  Russell  had  our  horses  and  guide  all  ready,  and  as  soon 
as  we  had  our  dinner  we  left  on  our  trip,  intending  to  ride 
along  the  mountains  to  Jalapa.  more  than  a  hundred  miles 
away.  Our  party  consisted  of  Mamma,  Mr.  Gibbon  [my  pri 
vate  secretary],  myself,  our  guide,  and  an  arriero  [a  pack- 
driver].  As  every  one  said  the  route  was  safe,  we  did  not 
take  an  escort,  although  the  Government  offered  one.  As 
we  were  to  be  entertained  at  haciendas  on  the  way,  we  feared 
the  soldiers  might  be  a  burden  to  our  hosts. 

Mamma  brought  her  saddle  with  her,  but  the  rest  of  us 
rode  on  Mexican  saddles.  You  would  have  enjoyed  seeing 
us  starting  out  from  Cordova,  all  of  us  with  broad-brimmed 


36  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Mexican  hats  and  riding  accoutrements,  and  our  baggage 
strapped  on  to  the  pack-horses  —  a  novel  sight  for  Ameri 
cans,  and  we  even  attracted  much  attention  from  the  natives. 
Cordova  is  near  three  thousand  feet  above  the  sea  and  we 
had  to  ascend  eight  thousand  feet,  and  ride  up  and  down  the 
mountain  ridges.  We  had  hardly  passed  through  the  lanes 
of  Cordova  before  we  began  to  ascend,  and  the  bright  sun 
shine  we  had  at  starting  was  changed  to  lowering  clouds 
which  had  suddenly  blown  up,  and  we  saw  the  falling  rain  in 
the  mountains.  Into  the  rain  we  soon  rode  in  our  ascent  and 
it  continued  with  us  during  the  rest  of  our  ten-mile  journey 
to  our  first  night's  halt,  but  we  rather  enjoyed  it,  as  we  were 
well  protected  by  our  rubber  coverings,  and  were  afforded 
peculiar  views  as  the  rain-clouds  swept  across  the  ridges 
and  peaks.  It  was  after  dark  when  we  reached  the  puerta 
[entrance]  of  the  hacienda  of  "  Monte  Blanco." 

The  hacendado,  Seiior  V.,  being  advised  by  the  military 
comandante  at  Cordova  of  our  coming,  was  at  the  puerta  to 
welcome  us  after  our  rainy  ride,  and  he  gave  us  a  cheery 
reception.  Our  rubber  coats  and  charravels  were  hardly  off 
till  we  were  served  with  wine,  cognac,  water,  and  cigars,  and 
the  house,  all  it  contained  and  the  servants,  were  given  to  us 
in  the  genuine  Mexican  style  which  you  have  heard.  A  good 
dinner  was  served  us  within  a  reasonable  time  after  our 
arrival,  and  we  were  surprised  to  see  how  elegant  it  was,  and 
so  well  served,  in  this  solitary  place  high  up  in  the  moun 
tains.  An  hour's  talk  after  dinner,  in  which  we  had  to  make 
the  best  possible  use  of  our  Spanish,  as  none  of  the  household 
speak  a  word  of  English ;  and  we  were  shown  to  our  rooms 
with  comfortable  beds,  and  we  enjoyed  a  good  night's  rest. 
This  plantation  house,  still  in  good  condition,  was  built  in 
1740. 

We  had  intended  to  start  the  next  morning  at  daylight, 
as  we  had  a  long  and  hard  journey  before  us;  but  it  had 
rained  all  night,  and  they  told  us  it  would  be  very  slippery 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  37 

on  the  mountains  and  in  the  barrancas,  and  that  we  had  bet 
ter  wait  till  after  the  sun  was  up.  To  the  usual  desayuna  of 
pan  y  cafe  there  was  added  eggs  and  frijoles,  in  consideration 
of  the  journey  before  us.  We  had  seen  nothing  of  the  haci 
enda  the  evening  of  our  arrival,  and  our  surprise  and  enjoy 
ment  were  the  greater  as  we  looked  upon  the  charming  view 
in  the  morning,  just  as  the  sun  was  lighting  up  the  moun 
tains  and  valleys  thick  with  verdure.  As  we  departed,  the 
genial  host  did  not  allow  us  to  take  leave,  but  rode  with  us 
through  his  hacienda  (it  is  four  leagues  long)  to  the  last 
puerta.  He  made  his  company  both  interesting  and  instruct 
ive,  as  he  told  us  all  about  the  method  of  cultivation  and 
the  products,  which  are  coffee,  sugar,  tobacco,  frijoles,  and 
cattle. 

Our  road  all  the  way  to  Jalapa  was  only  a  mule-path,  — 
a  way  that  it  was  impossible  for  a  wagon  of  any  kind  to 
travel,  —  almost  all  the  time  over  the  mountains  and  down 
and  up  barrancas,  like  the  one  you  saw  at  Regla,  near  Pa- 
chuca.  This  is  said  to  be  one  of  the  most  picturesque  rides 
in  all  Mexico.  Sometimes  we  were  down  in  the  tierra  caliente 
[hot  land]  and  then  up  in  an  hour  or  two  in  the  tierra  tem- 
plada  [temperate  land],  but  all  the  time  among  orange, 
banana,  or  coffee  groves,  and  most  of  the  time  in  sight  of  the 
palm  trees.  In  all  this  mountain  region  it  rains  a  great 
deal  more  than  in  the  tablelands  of  Mexico,  and  conse 
quently  the  vegetation  is  much  more  fresh  and  green,  and 
very  rank.  There  are  no  bare  mountains,  like  those  on  the 
high  plains  about  Mexico  City  and  all  that  region;  but  the 
mountains  and  valleys  are  covered  with  a  thick  growth  like 
that  you  saw  about  Cordova. 

After  leaving  the  hospitable  hacienda  of  Monte  Blanco, 
we  suddenly  came  upon  a  pueblo,  a  village  of  fifteen  or  twenty 
houses,  "beautiful  for  situation,"  perched  upon  the  moun 
tain-side  ;  but  not  very  attractive  in  its  buildings,  which  were 
mainly  of  bamboo  with  thatched  roofs.  Yet  surrounded 


38  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

with  flowers  and  tropical  vegetation  (this  is  a  region  famous 
for  wild  orchids),  the  ride  through  its  lanes  was  a  charming 
experience.  Outside  the  pwblo  and  across  a  plain  of  two 
miles,  we  came  upon  a  barranca,  not  very  deep  but  furnish 
ing  some  beautiful  prospects,  with  a  clear  stream  dashing 
and  foaming  among  the  rocks,  and  not  too  large  to  ford  on 
our  horses.  After  climbing  laboriously  up  its  steep  sides, 
we  found  another  broad  and  fertile  plain,  under  cultivation 
and  full  of  Indians  plowing  with  oxen. 

Beyond  the  plain  our  path  led  again  up  the  mountains, 
and  there,  snugly  ensconced  among  the  foothills,  we  entered 
the  town  of  Coscomatepec,  a  considerable  place  of  fifteen 
hundred  or  two  thousand  people.  On  one  side  of  the  plaza 
was  a  fine  large  stone  church,  and  on  another  the  municipal 
building.  Most  of  its  houses  were  built  of  stone,  or  adobe 
[sun-dried  brick],  with  tiled  roofs,  showing  those  evidences 
of  town  or  city  comfort,  as  the  pueblos  are  mainly  constructed 
of  bamboo  with  thatched  roofs. 

As  our  arriero  had  to  have  his  pack-horses  shod,  in  the  hour 
of  our  stay  we  had  an  opportunity  to  examine  the  town. 
What  chiefly  attracted  our  attention  was  the  gambling  be 
ing  conducted  on  the  open  street.  The  Mexicans  are  much 
addicted  to  gambling,  but  the  old  inhabitants  tell  me  there 
has  been  a  great  change  for  the  better  in  this  respect  among 
the  people  within  the  last  generation.  But  we  Americans 
cannot  too  severely  criticise  our  neighbors  in  this  matter, 
in  view  of  the  police  reports  of  our  cities.  I  recall  also  an 
experience  I  had  on  my  first  journey  across  our  country 
to  California  the  first  year  the  Pacific  Railroad  was  opened. 
We  had  to  change  cars  at  Ogden  about  midnight.  As  we 
alighted  from  the  cars  the  night  was  made  brilliant  by  a 
number  of  bonfires,  and  in  front  of  each  one  was  a  gambling- 
table,  with  piles  of  gold  double-eagles  ($20  pieces),  the 
gambling  outfit,  and  the  proprietor  shouting  his  invitation 
to  the  game,  which  seemed  to  be  well  patronized. 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  39 

One  league  beyond  Coscomatepec  brought  us  to  the  famous 
barranca  of  Jamapa,  the  view  of  which  alone  well  repaid  us 
for  our  journey.  Its  perpendicular  descent  is  about  one  thou 
sand  feet,  and  its  width  at  the  top  a  little  more  than  twice 
that  distance,  and  it  required  just  an  hour  for  us  to  cross  it. 
I  can  hardly  give  you  an  idea  of  its  beauty  and  wild  grandeur ; 
the  narrow  mule-path  along  its  almost  precipitous  sides,  a 
road  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock  in  the  time  of  the  old  Spanish 
viceroys,  but  now  much  neglected  and  out  of  repair;  the 
luxuriant  vegetation  hanging  from  the  crags  and  rocky  sides ; 
the  foaming,  roaring  torrent  at  the  bottom,  spanned  by  the 
substantial  Spanish  bridge ;  the  grand  vista  of  snow-capped 
mountain  and  verdant  valley  —  an  experience  long  to  be 
remembered  by  us.  It  seemed  as  if  the  descent  was  almost 
perpendicular,  and  from  the  top  it  looked  as  if  it  would  be 
impossible  to  go  down  on  foot,  to  say  nothing  of  on  horse 
back:  but  we  managed  it  in  safety,  although  Mamma  de 
clared  very  often  she  and  her  horse  would  certainly  go  over 
the  precipice  to  the  bottom.  Crossing  the  river  on  the  arched 
stone  bridge,  we  began  the  ascent,  but  it  was  slow  and  toil 
some,  and  hard  on  our  horses,  along  the  zigzag  path. 

It  was  near  noon  when  we  reached  the  top,  and  we  were 
glad  to  dismount  at  the  Indian  village  on  the  crest  of  the 
barranca  and  enjoy  with  a  relish  the  luncheon  we  had 
brought  with  us,  supplemented  by  the  hot  tortillas  [large  thin 
corn-cakes],  just  fresh  made,  served  to  us  by  an  Indian  wo 
man.  It  was  three  more  leagues  to  our  stopping-place  for  the 
night,  over  a  route  equally  as  attractive  as  that  of  the  fore 
noon,  over  the  ridges  and  through  the  valleys,  till,  climbing 
a  mountain  range  about  twenty-five  hundred  feet  above  the 
adjoining  valley,  suddenly  the  town  of  Huatusco  burst  on 
our  view,  a  most  romantic  site,  on  an  elevated  plain,  locked 
in  as  it  were  by  the  mountains,  and  almost  hid  with  banana 
and  mango  groves.  The  only  roads  leading  to  it  are  mule- 
paths  ;  there  is  not  a  single  wagon  or  cart  in  the  place,  and 


40  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

there  probably  never  was  one.  It  is  one  of  the  most  beauti 
fully  situated  towns  or  cities  in  the  Republic,  the  Capital  of 
the  canton  or  district,  with  a  population  of  seven  or  eight 
thousand  people.  It  has  an  attractive  plaza  and  quite  an 
imposing  church  —  the  plaza  is  a  feature  of  all  Mexican  towns 
of  any  pretensions  and  of  the  cities,  and  the  church  or  the 
cathedral  is  the  chief  attraction ;  and  around  the  plaza  are 
situated  the  church,  the  public  buildings,  and  stores.  Besides 
these,  Huatusco  had  well-paved  streets  and  substantially 
built  private  houses. 

The  chief  house  of  entertainment  for  travelers  bore  the 
strange  sign  of  "Posada  Jonson,"  or,  in  plain  English, 
"  Johnson  Hotel."  The  proprietor  bears  this  English  name, 
but  can  speak  nothing  but  Spanish.  His  father  settled  in 
the  country  more  than  fifty  years  ago  and  married  a  Mexi 
can  woman.  The  son  was  born  in  this  place  and  is  a  Mexican 
citizen.  As  you  have  never  been  in  a  country  hotel  in  this 
land  you  may  be  interested  if  I  describe  it. 

Our  whole  cavalcade,  in  place  of  stopping  at  the  front 
door  to  dismount,  as  at  an  American  hotel,  rode  directly 
through  its  hospitably  opened  door  into  the  square  paved 
court,  which  is  always  found  in  large  Mexican  houses.  This 
patio,  or  court,  is  inclosed  by  a  building  one  story  high,  with 
a  corridor  or  porch  running  all  round  the  inside  facing  the 
court.  Ranged  in  order  were  the  rooms  of  the  hotel,  with 
a  door  and  window  opening  on  the  corridor.  A  part  of  the 
corridor  adjoining  the  kitchen  is  used  as  the  dining-place, 
as  in  this  warm  climate  it  is  pleasant  to  eat  "  in  the  open." 
On  the  opposite  side  or  in  a  more  distant  part  of  the  same 
building,  opening  likewise  on  the  same  patio,  are  the  stables 
for  the  horses  and  other  animals.  In  this  posada  we  were  well 
lodged  for  the  night,  with  clean  rooms,  comfortable  beds,  and 
a  fairly  good  table  —  a  combination  not  always  found  in 
Mexican  country  hotels  or  lodging-houses.  We  were  glad  to 
dismount  and  make  the  most  of  the  comforts  mine  host 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  41 

Johnson  had  to  offer  us,  as  our  day's  journey  had  been  a 
hard  one.  We  had  traversed  twenty-four  miles,  but  they 
were  equal  to  double  that  number  on  a  fair  road. 

We  were  fortunately  housed  in  good  season,  for  soon  after 
our  arrival  it  commenced  to  rain,  and  continued  all  night 
almost  without  stopping.  As  a  consequence  it  left  the  road 
in  a  miserable  condition  for  our  next  day's  journey,  —  wet 
and  slippery  over  these  mountain-paths,  —  but  fortunately 
it  was  a  short  one,  only  fifteen  miles,  to  the  celebrated  ha 
cienda  of  Mirador.  You  will  probably  remember  that  the 
Count  and  Countess  Enzenberg  often  talked  of  making  a  visit 
to  this  hacienda.  They  went  down  to  Cordova  last  year,  in 
tending  to  go  over  to  Mirador  and  spend  a  month  or  two  there 
with  their  countrymen,  but  they  had  such  bad  accounts  of  the 
road,  they  gave  it  up  and  returned  to  Mexico.  So  we  had  a 
curiosity  to  turn  off  from  the  direct  road  to  Jalapa  and  go  to 
Mirador,  and  thus  be  able  on  our  return  to  report  to  them. 

We  were  off  early  in  the  morning ;  the  road  out  of  Hua- 
tusco,  after  crossing  a  barranca  and  river,  led  up  the  steep 
sides  of  a  mountain  range  which  it  was  almost  impossible 
for  our  horses  to  ascend,  as  the  clay  bed  of  the  road,  wet  with 
the  rain  of  the  night,  was  so  slippery  they  could  scarcely 
find  a  footing.  But  once  on  the  top,  we  had  a  grand  view. 
The  fog  of  the  early  morning  rising  from  the  damp  valley  was 
just  lifted  above  the  town,  which  was  brightly  lighted  up  by 
the  rising  sun ;  and  for  the  first  time  on  our  journey  the  snow 
capped  volcano  of  Orizaba,  towering  majestically  upwards 
eighteen  thousand  feet  above  the  sea-level,  was  plainly  visi 
ble.  It  was  a  magnificent  panorama.  The  fog  like  a  fringed 
curtain  hung  over  the  town  and  valley ;  and  the  volcano, 
clear  white  and  solitary,  standing  high  above  it,  was  mon 
arch  of  the  scene. 

Our  route  lay  across  a  succession  of  ridges,  a  constant 
change  of  steep,  slippery  ascents  and  descents,  which  proved 
a  dangerous,  tiresome  journey,  the  anxiety  of  a  fall  only 


42  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

occasionally  relieved  by  a  short  ride  on  the  level  crest  of  a 
ridge  which  gave  us  an  opportunity  to  enjoy  the  charming 
scenery.  But  we  wrere  ready  enough  to  pull  up  at  Mirador  and 
be  greeted  by  the  warm-hearted  German  proprietor  and  his 
family,  who,  advised  the  night  before  of  our  coming,  had 
a  good  smoking-hot  old-fashioned  breakfast  waiting  for  us, 
for  which  our  four  hours'  hard  ride  had  given  us  a  good 
appetite.  This  hacienda,  which  is  the  prettiest  we  have  yet 
seen  in  Mexico,  is  well  named  Mirador,  —  Prospect,  or  Out 
look,  —  as  the  residence  is  situated  on  an  oval-crested  hill 
which  overlooks  the  country  for  many  miles  in  all  directions. 
From  the  corridor  on  one  side  can  be  seen  the  volcano  of 
Orizaba  most  grandly  and  also  the  Cofre  de  Perote,  next  to 
Orizaba  the  highest  mountain  in  this  region;  Jalapa,  the 
" garden  city,"  up  on  the  side  of  the  sierra;  and  from  another 
corridor  can  be  seen  sixty  miles  away  on  a  clear  day  the  ship 
ping  and  lighthouse  at  Vera  Cruz  and  the  blue  sea. 

This  place  is  just  between  the  tierra  caliente  and  the  tierra 
templada,  and  the  climate  is  delightful.  The  garden,  kept 
under  fine  cultivation,  was  a  delight  to  see,  and  in  this 
month  of  January  as  green  and  fresh  and  blooming  as  in 
summer.  This  is  the  largest  coffee  hacienda  in  the  Republic. 
They  have  now  three  hundred  thousand  trees  growing,  ex 
pect  to  plant  this  year  fifty  thousand  more,  and  to  have 
a  yield  from  the  present  season  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  pounds. 

The  father  of  the  proprietor  wrote  one  of  the  best  books 
on  Mexico  yet  published.  The  family  are  intelligent  and 
interesting  people.  Three  of  the  daughters  and  a  son  are  now 
in  Germany  at  school,  and  in  the  spring  the  members  of  the 
family  here  will  make  a  visit  to  Germany,  leave  the  two  girls 
now  here  and  bring  back  the  others.  They  are  all  well  read 
in  German  and  Spanish,  and  speak  English  fluently.  They 
treated  us  so  kindly  and  appeared  so  glad  to  have  us  with 
them  (they  see  very  few  foreigners)  that  we  concluded  to 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  43 

stay  over  another  day  to  enjoy  their  society,  the  beautiful 
scenery,  and  the  delightful  climate. 

We  were  off  at  daylight  the  morning  after  (the  fifth  day 
of  our  trip),  for  we  had  a  long  day's  ride  before  us  to  reach 
the  first  comfortable  hacienda  on  our  route,  a  distance  of  six 
teen  leagues,  or  about  forty-five  miles.  There  was  a  large 
barranca  immediately  in  front  of  Mirador,  which  we  had  to 
cross,  and  its  sides  were  so  steep  we  were  forced  to  go  down 
along  it  fifteen  miles  before  we  could  find  a  crossing-place ; 
and  then  it  was  so  steep  on  the  other  side  that  we  had  to 
get  off  our  horses  and  climb  up  on  foot  a  considerable  part 
of  the  way.  But  we  enjoyed  it,  as  the  scenery  was  very  grand. 
This  day  the  sun  was  very  hot,  as  about  noon  we  crossed 
a  valley  in  the  tierra  caliente,  and  for  two  hours  we  suffered 
a  good  deal  with  the  heat.  We  also  had  to  cross  a  wide  river 
on  a  balsa,  a  kind  of  rude  raft  or  ferry-float  made  of  poles 
tied  together  with  withes  or  vines.  Mamma  insisted  we  should 
certainly  drown,  and  held  on  to  me  tight  with  both  hands 
till  we  reached  the  other  shore.  After  climbing  a  high  moun 
tain,  just  at  dark  we  reached  the  hacienda  where  we  were  to 
spend  the  night.  It  was  the  longest  ride  we  had  made,  but 
had  it  not  been  for  the  hot  sun  we  would  have  got  along  very 
well.  My  army  campaigning  was  of  value  to  me,  as  I  stood 
the  ride  better  than  I  had  feared,  as  we  all  did ;  but  Mamma 
and  Mr.  Gibbon  were  so  tired  they  could  hardly  wait  for 
their  suppers  before  they  fell  asleep. 

The  next  morning  we  were  again  in  our  saddles  about 
daylight,  and  had  another  grand  view  of  the  sunrise  in  the 
mountains.  After  a  three  hours'  ride  we  reached  the  beauti 
ful  city  of  Jalapa,  the  end  of  our  horseback  journey,  having 
traveled  in  all  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  since 
we  left  Cordova.  We  found  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Vera 
Cruz,  whose  residence  is  here,  had  engaged  rooms  for  us  at  the 
hotel,  and  we  were  soon  rested  from  the  fatigues  of  the  trip, 
which  proved  the  most  enjoyable  one  we  have  yet  made  in 


44  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Mexico.  We  spent  two  days  very  pleasantly  in  Jalapa,  of 
which  I  have  not  time  to  write  you  in  detail.  This  is  con 
sidered  the  most  beautifully  situated  city  in  all  the  Republic. 
Day  before  yesterday  we  came  down  to  this  place,  riding 
half  the  way  in  a  stage-coach,  and  half  on  a  mule  railroad 
they  are  building  to  Jalapa.  The  stage-ride  was  the  roughest 
we  have  yet  taken  in  Mexico,  and  Mamma  said  she  would 
much  rather  have  gone  on  horseback.  We  are  quite  enjoying 
our  stay  here  at  the  oceanside.  It  is  good  to  get  a  sniff  of  the 
fresh  sea  breeze.  But  I  must  close,  as  the  gentleman  who  is 
to  take  this  letter  says  the  steamer  sails  within  an  hour.  .  .  . 

Cordova,  the  city  from  which  we  started  on  the  excursion 
just  narrated,  we  found  a  very  attractive  place  for  short 
visits,  as  it  is  situated  in  a  most  picturesque  region,  just 
midway  between  the  hot  climate  of  the  coast  and  the  more 
vigorous  climate  of  the  tableland,  and  readily  accessible  by 
the  railroad  from  the  Capital. 

Notwithstanding  its  many  attractions  Cordova  has  for  me 
sad  memories.  Before  I  entered  the  diplomatic  service  I  had 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Fernando  C.  Willett,  a  young 
man  who  had  come  out  to  Indiana,  having  just  graduated 
from  a  college  in  his  native  State  of  Vermont.  He  was  younger 
than  I,  but  his  charming  personality,  his  lovable  nature,  and 
his  promising  talents  had  greatly  attached  me  to  him.  After 
I  had  been  in  Mexico  two  years  a  vacancy  occurred  in  the 
secretaryship  of  the  Legation.  I  had  heard  that  owing  to 
a  pulmonary  attack  Willett  had  been  compelled  to  give  up 
the  study  of  his  chosen  profession  and  gone  to  Colorado  in 
search  of  health.  At  my  request  the  President  appointed  him 
to  the  vacant  place  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  and  upon  the 
advice  of  his  physician  he  accepted  and  came  to  the  Capital 
of  Mexico,  all  of  us  hoping  and  believing  that  its  high  and 
dry  climate  would  agree  with  him,  as  it  had  with  many  others 
suffering  from  his  malady. 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  45 

For  several  months  he  was  in  apparent  good  health  and 
the  best  of  spirits,  and  made  friends  of  all  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact.  But  the  insidious  disease  was  still  doing 
its  work,  and  he  was  suddenly  attacked  with  hemorrhages. 
The  physician  ordered  him  to  the  lower  and  milder  climate 
of  Cordova,  where  he  came  under  the  care  and  companionship 
of  Dr.  Russell,  an  American  physician  residing  there.  But  in 
a  little  while  Doctor  Russell  wrote  me  that  poor  Willett  was 
gradually  sinking  and  that  some  one  should  come  to  care 
for  him.  In  those  days  there  were  no  professional  nurses 
in  Mexico,  and  there  was  no  one  in  the  country  upon  whom 
he  had  a  stronger  claim  than  myself.  For  four  weeks  I  was 
almost  continuously  at  his  bedside  alone  in  a  dismal  posada, 
or  hotel.  It  was  a  sad  experience  to  see  the  life  gradually 
fading  out  of  that  young  manhood.  Realizing  the  danger,  he 
fought  strenuously  against  death ;  he  was  so  anxious  to  live ; 
he  told  me  why,  and  talked  of  his  great  projects  in  life.  The 
end  came  about  midnight,  in  a  bare  and  comfortless  room, 
with  me  alone  to  close  his  eyes.  His  body  was  taken  to  the 
City  of  Mexico  and  buried  in  the  American  military  ceme 
tery  in  the  presence  of  a  large  concourse  of  friends.  The 
American  colony  erected  a  becoming  monument  over  the 
grave.  Poor  Willett's  life  did  not  end  in  that  grave.  Be 
sides  his  firm  faith  in  a  blessed  immortality,  even  in  this 
world  his  sweet  characteristics  and  high  ambitions  were 
imparted  to  a  host  of  friends  in  whose  lives  his  own  was 
perpetuated. 

In  addition  to  its  charming  features  of  vegetation,  scenery, 
and  climate,  Cordova  has  long  been  noted  in  Mexican  polit 
ical  history.  Early  in  the  seventeenth  century  it  was  the 
winter  resort  of  the  Spanish  viceroys,  proving  equally  de 
sirable  as  a  refuge  from  the  fever-stricken  regions  of  the  coast 
and  the  rarefied  air  of  the  Capital.  Here  Iturbide  made  the 
treaty  or  agreement  with  the  Viceroy  O'Doriohu,  in  1821, 
which  led  to  Mexican  independence  and  the  Republic.  Here 


46  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  French,  English,  and  Spaniards  halted  in  their  tri 
partite  expedition  in  1861. 

It  was  here  that  an  ex-Confederate  colony  was  located 
at  the  close  of  our  Civil  War.  Quite  a  large  number  of  the 
soldiers  of  "the  Lost  Cause/'  among  them  Generals  Price, 
Magruder,  Reynolds,  Shelby,  and  Governor  Isham  G.  Harris 
(afterwards  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate),  took 
refuge  in  Mexico,  feeling  they  could  not  endure  the  Govern 
ment  of  "the  Stars  and  Stripes."  Maximilian  in  1865,  then 
at  the  height  of  his  power,  caused  to  be  set  off  and  surveyed 
for  these  refugees  some  estates  in  the  valley  of  Cordova  to 
constitute  an  American  colony.  These  estates  had  been  con 
fiscated  by  the  Juarez  Government  as  property  mortgaged 
to  the  clergy.  Each  head  of  a  family  was  assigned  by  Maxi 
milian  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land,  and  each  single 
man  eighty  acres,  on  certain  conditions  as  to  settlement 
thereon,  improvements,  cultivation,  etc.  A  considerable 
colony  was  at  once  established,  Governor  Harris  was  made 
alcalde,  and  active  preparations  for  improvements  and  plant 
ing  of  crops  commenced. 

Before  they  had  been  on  the  ground  long  enough  to  gather 
the  first  crop,  a  raid  was  made  on  the  colony  by  a  band  of 
Liberals,  regarding  them  as  Imperialists,  and  a  large  amount 
of  stock  and  other  property  was  seized  and  many  colonists 
carried  off  as  prisoners.  They  were  finally  released  on  con 
dition  of  leaving  the  country,  and  were  sent  to  the  United 
States  from  Alvarado,  or  other  Gulf  ports!  This  raid  so 
alarmed  the  remaining  colonists  that  many  of  them  aban 
doned  their  lands ;  and,  on  the  fall  of  Maximilian,  nearly  all 
of  them  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  the  colony 
proved  a  failure. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  ex-Confederates  who 
had  come  to  Mexico  were  considered  as  hostile  to  the  Liberal 
Government,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  President 
Juarez  would  have  recognized  the  act  of  Maximilian  in  es- 


ON  HORSEBACK  AMONG  THE  MOUNTAINS  47 

tablishing  the  colony,  would  have  protected  the  colonists  in 
their  titles,  and  encouraged  the  existence  and  growth  of  the 
enterprise,  if  any  considerable  number  had  remained,  as  it 
was  so  manifestly  for  the  interest  of  the  country.  But  as 
only  two  or  three  were  left  on  their  lands,  it  was  useless  to 
continue  the  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Government.  Had  the 
settlers  been  a  little  more  persistent,  there  might  to-day  be 
a  large  and  flourishing  American  colony  in  this  rich  and 
beautiful  valley,  engaged  in  the  cultivation  and  exportation 
of  this  profitable  crop.  But  I  opine  that  when  the  keen  edge 
of  their  disappointment  over  "the  Lost  Cause"  was  worn 
away  by  time,  these  true-hearted  Americans  began  to  long 
for  their  old  homes  and  were  quite  willing  to  come  under  the 
old  flag  again. 

In  my  day  there  was  only  one  of  the  old  ex-Confederate 
colonists  left,  Dr.  Russell  of  Alabama  (whom  I  have  already 
mentioned),  who  had  served  under  General  John  T.  Morgan, 
for  so  many  years  afterwards  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
Alabama,  than  whom  no  more  ardent  American  could  be 
found  in  the  United  States  Senate.  The  Doctor  was  pretty 
thoroughly  " reconstructed,"  and  he  and  I  became  intimate 
friends.  He  was  largely  engaged  in  coffee  cultivation,  and 
it  was  his  ambition  not  to  return  to  his  native  land  till  he 
could  go  back  in  a  ship  loaded  with  the  product  of  his 
own  lands.  That  day  never  came.  He  accepted  the  dolce 
far  niente  of  that  charming  climate  and  scenery,  lived  a 
plain  life,  enlarged  his  coffee  holdings  from  year  to  year, 
ministered  gratuitously  of  his  professional  skill  to  the  ills  of 
the  simple  natives  of  his  haciendas,  and  twenty-five  years 
after  I  left  the  country  he  died  in  a  ripe  old  age  in  his 
home  in  Cordova,  highly  esteemed  and  mourned  by  his  neigh 
bors  and  dependants. 


CHAPTER  V 

MEXICO   UNDER  LERDO 

AT  the  time  when  I  began  my  residence  in  Mexico,  the  coun 
try  was  still  suffering  from  the  long  struggle  of  the  Liberal 
party  against  the  Clericals,  in  the  War  of  the  Reform,  which 
began  in  1857  and  ended  with  the  downfall  and  execution  of 
Maximilian  in  1867.  The  days  of  the  pseudo-empire  and  the 
tragic  death  of  the  Emperor  were  fresh  in  the  public  mind,  and 
I  was  often  entertained  by  the  participants  with  the  narration 
of  incidents  of  those  stirring  times. 

The  President  of  the  Republic  to  whom  I  handed  my 
credentials,  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  had  been  one  of  the 
active  leaders  of  the  Reform  or  Liberal  movement,  and  was 
generally  credited  with  deciding  the  fate  of  Maximilian. 
Although  Juarez,  the  head  of  the  Liberal  party  and  then  the 
President,  was  a  man  of  great  sternness  of  character,  he  was 
much  moved  by  the  interposition  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  in  its  effort  to  secure  the  peaceful  departure  of 
Maximilian  from  the  country.  Juarez  highly  appreciated  the 
services  which  the  United  States  had  rendered  the  Liberal 
cause  during  the  war,  and  was  inclined  to  mercy ;  but  Senor 
Lerdo  felt  that  the  Republic  had  suffered  so  much  at  the 
hands  of  the  Monarchists,  that  such  a  punishment  should  be 
visited  upon  the  leaders  of  the  movement  as  would  be  an 
effectual  warning  against  all  future  attempts  to  overthrow 
the  democratic  institutions  of  the  country;  and  it  was  his 
firm  attitude  that  brought  about  the  execution  of  the  chief 
of  the  short-lived  empire. 

Lerdo  had  succeeded  to  the  presidency  on  the  sudden 
death  of  Juarez  in  1872 ;  and  just  before  my  arrival  he  had 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  49 

been  elected  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote  for  another  con 
stitutional  term  of  four  years.  One  of  the  early  acts  of  his 
second  term  was  the  promulgation,  as  a  part  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  of  what  are  known  as  the  Laws  of  Reform. 
These  laws  had  constituted  the  battle-cry  of  the  Liberal 
party  when  it  began  anew  its  contest  against  the  Clericals  in 
1858,  they  had  been  adopted  into  law  in  1859,  and  after  the 
overthrow  of  Maximilian  they  had  been  approved  by  the 
States  as  a  constitutional  amendment.  In  1873  they  were 
proclaimed  with  much  ceremony  as  a  part  of  the  organic  law. 

This  act  of  proclamation  was  the  final  consummation  of 
the  great  struggle  of  the  Liberal  party.  The  amendment 
declares  the  independence  of  each  other  of  the  State  and 
Church,  and  forbids  the  passage  of  laws  establishing  or  pro 
hibiting  any  religion ;  declares  marriage  a  civil  contract,  and 
gives  exclusive  jurisdiction  to  the  civil  authority  to  celebrate 
this  and  all  other  civil  personal  acts ;  prohibits  the  acquisition 
by  religious  institutions  of  real  estate  or  of  capital  secured 
by  mortgages,  except  for  specific  church  uses ;  abolishes  all 
religious  oaths ;  and  makes  unlawful  the  existence  of  monas 
tic  orders.  These  provisions  are  also  supplemented  by 
laws  which  prohibit  all  religious  processions  or  wearing  of 
a  monastic  garb  in  public. 

I  transmitted  to  Washington  a  copy  of  the  President's  pro 
clamation  embodying  the  Laws  of  Reform,  which  I  charac 
terized  as  the  crowning  act  of  triumph  of  the  Liberal  Gov 
ernment  in  its  long  contest  with  the  Conservative  party.  In 
response,  I  was  instructed  by  Secretary  Fish  to  communicate 
to  the  Mexican  Government  the  congratulations  of  that  of 
the  United  States  on  the  adoption  of  the  amendments,  as  a 
great  step  in  advance,  especially  for  a  republic,  and  that  in 
the  experience  of  our  country  these  measures  had  not  tended 
to  weaken  the  just  interests  of  religion. 

The  Government  of  Mexico  was  greatly  gratified  at  this 
act  of  Secretary  Fish ;  the  correspondence  was  by  order  of 


50  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

President  Lerdo  read  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  the 
National  Congress ;  the  President  of  Congress,  in  the  name 
of  that  body,  expressed  the  gratification  with  which  the 
assembly  had  received  the  congratulation,  and  by  vote  of 
Congress  the  correspondence  was  entered  upon  its  journal ; 
and  the  act  commanded  general  attention  and  comment 
throughout  the  country.  This  action  of  our  Government 
was  the  more  gratifying  to  the  Liberal  party  of  Mexico,  as 
the  Pope  of  Rome  had  denounced  the  Laws  of  Reform  as  an 
impious  attack  upon  the  Church,  and  the  proclamation  had 
stirred  up  anew  the  old  religious  fanaticism  of  the  country  and 
its  hatred  of  the  Government. 

All  the  monastic  orders  and  religious  communities  had 
some  time  before  been  broken  up  and  their  members  .forced 
to  leave  the  country  or  go  into  other  occupations,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  who  had  been  tolerated 
because  of  their  humane  work  in  the  hospitals  and  other 
charities.  But  now  that  the  Laws  of  Reform  had  with  so 
much  pomp  been  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  the  Gov 
ernment  felt  that  consistency  required  that  its  provisions 
should  be  impartially  enforced,  and  orders  were  issued  that 
the  Sisters  of  Charity  should  cease  their  vocation  or  leave 
the  country.  I  was  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  at 
the  request  of  the  French  Government  (there  being  no 
French  Minister  in  Mexico),  to  intervene  in  behalf  of  the 
French  members  of  the  order,  who  constituted  the  majority, 
to  secure  a  postponement  of  their  departure.  This  I  readily 
accomplished,  as  the  Government  granted  them  whatever 
reasonable  time  they  desired.  But  the  orders  of  the  Govern 
ment  caused  the  adherents  of  the  Church  to  break  forth  into 
new  demonstrations  of  indignation.  The  opposition  mani 
fested  itself  most  prominently  in  what  were  termed  the 
"protests  of  the  ladies,"  documents  which  were  drawn  up 
with  the  ostensible  object  of  expressing  sorrow  for  the  de 
parture  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  but  whose  real  purpose  and 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  51 

effect  were  to  attack  and  denounce  the  existing  Government 
and  weaken  its  influence  with  the  people.  These  "protests" 
were  largely  signed  and  promulgated  throughout  the  country, 
and  embraced  the  names  of  the  wives  and  daughters  of  many 
of  the  members  of  Congress  and  Federal  officials,  as  well  as 
leading  citizens  of  influence  and  wealth.  The  subject  was  dis 
cussed  with  great  acrimony  by  the  Conservative  or  Catholic 
press  on  the  one  side  and  the  Liberal  press  on  the  other.  The 
discussion  had  the  effect  of  uniting  the  supporters  of  the 
Government  in  defense  of  the  laws,  which  were  regarded  as 
the  natural  sequence  of  the  great  struggle  through  which  the 
country  had  passed  successfully. 

This  manifestation  was  the  last  concerted  effort  of  the 
Clerical  party  publicly  to  resist  the  enforcement  of  these 
important  laws.  While  the  great  mass  of  the  people  remain 
faithful  to  the  Catholic  Church,  they  have  accepted  the 
result  as  an  accomplished  and  permanent  fact,  and  prelates 
and  people  have  accommodated  themselves  to  the  changed 
conditions.  Nor  has  the  Church  itself  materially  suffered  by 
the  change.  A  generation  has  passed  since  the  proclamation 
of  the  Laws  of  Reform  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution,  and  the 
Catholic  faith  seems  as  strongly  intrenched  in  the  country  as 
ever.  The  notable  difference  from  the  past  is  that  the  clergy 
have  ceased  to  participate  in  or  seek  to  control  the  political 
affairs  of  the  nation. 

The  long  struggle  for  the  separation  of  the  Church  from 
the  State  which  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  liberal  principles 
was  of  great  importance  in  promoting  the  peace  and  pro 
sperity  of  the  country,  but  the  struggle  was  not  confined  to 
Mexico  in  its  salutary  influence.  It  was  felt  throughout  all 
Latin  America.  When  Juarez  and  his  band  of  reformers  first 
proclaimed  the  principle  of  "a  free  Church  in  a  free  State,"  in 
all  of  the  Governments  south  of  the  United  States  on  the 
Western  Hemisphere  the  Catholic  was  the  State  religion,  and 
none  others  were  tolerated.  The  Liberal  party  in  Mexico  was 


52  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

fighting  the  battle  of  a  "free  State"  for  all  of  them,  and 
to-day  with  few  exceptions  these  Governments  are  entirely 
separated  from  the  Church,  and  religious  toleration 
prevails. 

In  studying  the  institutions  and  customs  of  Mexico,  my 
attention  was  given  early  to  the  political  parties  and  the 
elections.  Having  taken  some  part  in  politics  at  home  and 
having  had  charge  recently  of  an  electoral  campaign,  I  was 
naturally  interested  in  examining  these  institutions  in  our 
neighboring  sister  Republic,  where  by  the  Constitution  the 
suffrage  was  made  free  and  universal.  I  found  that  in  the 
past  twenty  years  the  country  had  been  divided  into  two 
parties,  contending  for  great  principles  of  government,  vital 
to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  nation;  but  that  those 
contests  had  been  concluded,  not  by  a  resort  to  electoral 
campaigns  and  the  ballot-box,  but  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  and 
that  the  result  was  determined  on  the  battlefield. 

When  by  the  arbitrament  of  war  the  Liberals  triumphed, 
the  Conservatives  not  only  laid  down  their  arms,  but  they 
withdrew  from  all  participation  in  politics  and  the  exercise 
of  the  electoral  franchise.  Thenceforward  the  political  cam 
paigns  became  contests  of  persons,  not  principles,  as  the 
Liberal  party  alone  participated  in  them.  Worse  than  this, 
it  seemed  that  there  was  a  conviction  among  the  electors 
that  the  party  in  power  would  control  the  result  of  the 
election  in  favor  of  its  candidate,  without  regard  to  the  bal 
lots  cast.  So  it  was  that  on  the  fall  of  Maximilian,  when 
Juarez  became  a  candidate  for  reelection,  the  friends  of 
General  Diaz,  who  were  very  numerous  throughout  the 
Republic,  rallied  to  the  support  of  Diaz ;  but  before  the  cam 
paign  closed  they  alleged  that  they  would  be  coerced  by  the 
Administration  at  the  polls  or  defrauded  in  their  ballots, 
and  on  that  ground  they  declined  to  take  part  in  the  elec 
tion,  but  in  many  sections  of  the  country  sought  to  organize 
an  armed  revolution.  Just  before  I  reached  Mexico,  Lerdo 


BENITO  JUAREZ 

Indian  President  of  Mexico,  1858-1872 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  53 

had  been  declared  elected  with  substantial  unanimity,  Diaz 
receiving  only  one  vote  in  the  Capital  and  a  few  dozen  in 
the  entire  Republic,  although  it  was  known  he  had  a  large 
following  throughout  the  country. 

During  my  seven  years'  residence  in  Mexico,  I  often  visited 
the  polling-places  on  election  days,  but  I  never  saw  a  citizen 
deposit  a  ballot,  and  rarely  did  I  find  any  persons  at  the 
polls  besides  the  election  officers.  An  American  merchant, 
who  had  resided  many  years  in  the  city  of  Oaxaca  and  pos 
sessed  the  esteem  of  the  people,  in  answer  to  my  inquiry 
about  the  elections,  said  that  one  of  the  polling-places  was 
always  held  near  his  store,  and  that  he  generally  passed 
most  of  the  election  day  chatting  in  company  with  the  offi 
cers  of  the  "mesa"  (election  board).  He  stated  that  it  was 
a  very  rare  occurrence  that  any  citizen  came  to  the  polls  to 
vote,  the  only  persons  doing  so  usually  being  the  officers  of 
the  election  board,  who  went  through  the  act  with  the  most 
ceremonious  gravity  imaginable.  Everybody  understood 
that  the  elections  were  a  farce,  the  officers  "to  be  elected" 
were  fixed  upon  by  the  Governor  and  a  special  circle,  and 
the  list  was  generally  known  before  the  election  was  held. 
In  answer  to  a  question,  he  said  that  an  Indian  (the  large 
majority  of  the  population  being  of  that  race)  could  not  be 
induced  to  go  to  the  polls,  unless  a  rope  was  fastened  around 
his  neck  with  sufficient  mule-power  attached  to  overcome  his 
muscular  resistance. 

On  my  return  to  Mexico  a  few  years  ago,  after  a  twenty 
years'  absence,  I  met  a  citizen  who  had  been  a  boy  acquaint 
ance  of  mine  during  my  residence  as  Minister.  I  asked  him 
about  his  present  occupation  or  profession.  He  told  me  the 
business  in  which  he  was  engaged,  but  he  added, "  I  am  also  a 
diputado"  [member  of  Congress].  I  extended  my  congratula 
tions.  "Yes,"  he  said,  "I  did  not  care  much  about  it,  but 
Don  Porfirio  [the  title  by  which  friends  refer  to  the  President] 
said  he  would  like  to  see  me  in  Congress."  He  was  chosen 


54  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

from  a  State  which  he  had  never  visited  and  from  a  district 
of  which  he  had  never  heard. 

My  German  colleague,  a  very  thoughtful  observer,  dis 
cussing  this  subject  with  me,  said:  " There  is  no  popular 
suffrage  in  this  country  and  there  cannot  be  in  this  genera 
tion,  for  two  reasons :  First,  the  want  of  intelligence  on  the 
part  of  the  masses ;  second,  the  general  conviction  that  the 
votes  cast  are  so  manipulated  by  the  authorities  that  there 
is  no  assurance  that  the  result  will  be  according  to  the  wishes 
of  the  voters.  The  masses  [the  Indians]  do  not  vote  because 
of  indifference  and  ignorance.  If  they  did,  it  would  be  as  the 
priests  indicate,  because  they  have  the  greatest  influence 
over  them.  The  priests  do  not  exert  their  influence,  partly 
because  of  their  retirement  from  politics  and  partly  because 
of  their  conviction  that  it  would  be  of  no  avail  against  the 
ruling  politicians.  The  intelligent  people  as  a  rule  do  not 
vote,  for  the  same  reason  —  the  want  of  confidence  in  the 
ballot  being  properly  returned." 

In  my  day  this  abstention  from  the  polls  was  generally 
recognized  by  the  press.  By  the  independent  press  it  was 
deplored;  by  the  opposition  the  responsibility  for  it  was 
charged  to  what  were  termed  the  illegal  acts  and  arbitrary 
practices  of  the  Administration.  From  an  independent 
journal  of  good  standing  I  cut  out  during  my  residence  this 
item:  "Yesterday  afternoon  at  one  o'clock,  Mr.  A.  M.,  a 
congressman,  was  found  at  the  electoral  voting-place,  which 
it  was  his  duty  to  open,  when  a  friend  arrived  and  asked  him 
how  the  election  was  going  there.  The  reply  was  that  no  one 
had  come  to  vote,  so  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  organize 
an  election  board.  'Then,  you  will  close  the  poll  and  report 
the  fact.'  'By  no  means/  replied  Mr.  M. ;  'I  have  here  the 
list  of  persons  who  ought  to  vote  and  from  it  I  will  make  up 
my  poll-list,  and  report  the  result.  This  I  am  ordered  to  do, 
and  I  cannot  fail  to  do  it.'  We  guarantee  the  exact  truth  of 
this  anecdote." 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  55 

These  comments  as  to  the  electoral  franchise  in  Mexico 
do  not  apply  to  all  elections;  often  in  local  and  municipal 
contests  there  is  an  animated  campaign  and  a  free  exercise 
of  the  ballot.  Further  reference  to  this  subject  will  be  made 
when  I  come  to  review  the  Administration  of  President  Diaz. 
I  may  remark,  moreover,,  that  this  defect  in  the  exercise  of 
the  franchise  is  not  singular  to  Mexico,  but  is  common  to  the 
Latin-American  countries,  with  few  exceptions.  The  want 
of  education  of  the  masses  makes  them  indifferent  to  or 
incapable  of  an  intelligent  use  of  suffrage;  and  the  long 
revolutionary  struggles  which  preceded  their  independence 
accustomed  the  people  to  the  settlement  of  political  questions 
by  a  resort  to  arms.  Besides,  in  their  colonial  state  they 
had  not  enjoyed  in  any  degree  the  local  self-government  of 
the  British-American  colonies.  Not  until  education  is  more 
generally  diffused  among  the  masses  may  we  reasonably 
expect  those  countries  to  be  ruled  through  the  exercise  of  the 
electoral  franchise. 

The  long  struggle  which  attended  the  separation  of  the 
Government  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  to  which  I 
have  referred,  naturally  led  to  some  manifestations  of  relig 
ious  revolt  among  the  people,  tending  to  the  establishment 
of  Protestant  congregations,  but  no  prominent  or  influential 
native  appeared  to  lead  the  movement.  Its  direction,  as 
a  consequence,  was  taken  up  by  foreign  missionaries  from 
the  United  States.  The  first  to  enter  the  field  was  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  but  it  wras  soon  followed  by  the 
Presbyterian,  Methodist,  Baptist,  Quaker,  and  other  denom 
inations.  These  movements  naturally  stirred  up  opposition 
on  the  part  of  the  adherents  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Early  in 
President  Lerdo's  term  a  delegation  of  American  mission 
aries  called  upon  him  to  pay  their  respects,  and  presented 
an  address  asking  for  an  assurance  of  his  disposition  to 
protect  Protestants  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion.  The 
President  received  them  cordially,  and  made  an  earnest  reply, 


56  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

entirely  satisfactory  to  them,  the  substance  of  which  was 
reported,  as  follows :  — 

"That  the  Constitution  of  Mexico  guarantees  in  the  most 
absolute  and  unreserved  manner  the  toleration  and  protec 
tion  of  all  religious  opinions.  That  although  the  fanaticism 
of  other  forms  of  religion  might  sometimes  excite  popular 
disturbances  against  Protestants,  he  was  sure  that  the 
opinion  of  all  the  enlightened  classes  of  society  is  ardently 
in  favor  of  complete  toleration,  and  that  he  will  answer  for 
the  conduct  of  all  the  authorities  depending  directly  upon  the 
Federal  Government.  That  in  addition  to  the  constitutional 
obligation  to  protect  religious  liberty,  the  Government  takes 
pleasure  in  stating  that  the  teachers  of  the  Protestant  doc 
trine  in  Mexico  have  distinguished  themselves  by  their  de 
portment  as  law-abiding  citizens,  without  a  single  instance  of 
the  contrary  having  come  to  his  knowledge ;  that  their  labors 
have  uniformly  tended  to  the  enlightenment  of  the  public, 
discarding  sectarian  disputes,  and  limiting  themselves  to  the 
propagation  of  doctrines  of  sound  morality  and  practical 
religion ;  that  the  Government  will  not  only  use  its  utmost 
diligence  to  punish  all  infractions  of  religious  liberty,  but  is 
earnestly  desirous  that  the  Protestant  teachers  should  enable 
it  to  take  efficient  measures  for  the  prevention  of  such  abuses 
whenever  there  may  be  ground  to  apprehend  their  occur 
rence  ;  that  he  is  pleased  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  the 
gentlemen  who  have  conscientiously  and  laboriously  devoted 
themselves  to  an  object  of  great  public  utility." 

Notwithstanding  these  official  assurances,  the  Protestants 
were  molested  and  persecuted  in  various  ways.  Wherever 
a  new  field  was  entered  upon,  it  awakened  opposition  and 
called  for  the  interposition  of  the  authorities,  which  was 
usually  cheerfully  rendered,  but  after  a  time  the  open  hos 
tility  ceased.  During  my  residence  a  few  cases  of  religious 
riots  resulted  in  the  loss  of  life.  In  one  instance  an  American 
missionary  was  murdered.  The  authorities  acted  vigorously 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  57 

in  the  arrest  of  the  leaders  of  the  mob,  but  the  usual  delays 
occurred  in  the  courts.  Finally,  eighteen  months  after  the 
murder,  five  persons  were  found  guilty  and  executed. 

These  mission  enterprises  led  to  the  visit  to  the  Capital  of 
various  prominent  American  churchmen,  among  the  most 
distinguished  of  whom  was  Bishop  Matthew  Simpson,  of  the 
Methodist  Church.  Few  men  in  the  American  churches  had  a 
more  useful  career  or  were  possessed  of  more  eminent  talents. 
He  was  received  by  President  Lerdo,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
interview  the  latter  repeated  substantially  the  statements, 
just  quoted,  which  he  made  to  the  delegation  the  year  be 
fore.  The  Bishop  sought  to  impress  on  the  President  the 
great  political  interest  the  Government  had  in  the  division 
of  the  population  into  different  religious  denominations,  in 
which  Senor  Lerdo  heartily  concurred.  He  was  a  welcome 
guest  at  one  of  the  public  banquets  given  during  his  stay 
by  the  American  colony  at  which  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and 
Mexican  officials  were  present.  An  extract  from  his  address 
on  the  occasion  will  indicate  something  of  his  oratorical 
grace. 

He  said:  "I  have  sometimes  thought  that  our  national 
standards  represent  the  present  condition  of  the  two  nations. 
The  Mexican  eagle  is  perched  upon  the  cactus,  and  holds  the 
serpent  in  its  beak :  ours  is  soaring  amidst  the  stars.  With  us, 
the  conflict  is  over  —  victory  has  been  won  —  and  in  proud 
triumph,  yet  bearing  the  symbol  of  peace,  the  eagle,  un- 
trammeled  and  unrestrained,  seeks  the  high  heavens.  Mexico, 
as  a  republic,  is  younger,  her  half-century  has  scarcely  ended. 
She  is  yet  in  the  conflict.  Her  eagle  has  seized  the  serpent  of 
ignorance,  of  superstition,  and  of  disorder,  and  is  breaking 
its  power.  It  is  already  writhing  in  agony  and  will  soon  be 
dashed  lifeless  on  the  ground.  Then,  too,  will  the  victorious 
Mexican  eagle  soar  aloft  —  for  it  has  a  right  to  fly  as  high 
as  ours.  Her  skies  are  more  clear  and  her  mountains  taller 
than  our  own ;  Popocatepetl  wears  a  higher  crown  than  Mt. 


58  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Hood,  and  Pike's  Peak  bows  gracefully  to  the  Woman  in 
White.'7 

The  Protestant  missions  and  congregations  are  now  scat 
tered  pretty  well  over  the  Republic.  They  have  been  active  in 
organizing  primary  and  higher  grades  of  schools.  They  pub 
lish  a  number  of  religious  journals  and  use  the  printing-press 
freely.  Their  colporteurs  carry  the  Bible  into  almost  every 
community.  Preaching,  however,  is  their  chief  reliance  for 
propagating  their  cause,  and  to  this  end  they  have  estab 
lished  training-schools  for  educating  a  native  ministry.  But, 
notwithstanding  their  activity,  they  have  not  made  great 
inroads  among  the  Catholic  adherents  or  seriously  disaffected 
the  mass  of  the  population  from  the  old  faith.  Their  success, 
however,  has  been  commensurate  with  that  of  Protestant 
effort  in  other  Catholic  countries.  It  is  not  easy  to  shake 
the  foundations  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Its  organization, 
discipline,  and  devotion  are  unsurpassed. 

While  the  Protestant  movement  cannot  claim  success  in 
the  multitudes  of  adherents,  in  other  respects  it  has  had 
a  marked  influence  on  the  Catholic  Church  in  Mexico.  The 
latter  has  been  stirred  up  by  the  rivalry  to  greater  attention 
to  its  parochial  schools  and  the  character  of  the  instruction 
has  been  modernized.  The  Bible  is  no  longer  a  closed  book 
for  Catholics.  In  the  old  days,  before  the  advent  of  Protest 
antism,  little  preaching  was  heard  in  the  great  cathedrals 
and  parish  churches.  Now  a  sermon  is  given  in  most  of  them 
on  Sunday  and  even  "missions,"  or  what  are  commonly 
called  revival  services,  are  frequently  held.  The  churches, 
great  and  small,  have  as  a  result  undergone  a  transformation, 
by  the  introduction  of  pews  or  seats,  before  almost  unknown, 
so  that  the  worshipers  may  listen  to  the  preaching  with 
profit;  and  in  other  ways  they  have  been  "swept  and  gar 
nished."  Greater  attention  is  given  to  the  education  and 
training  for  the  priesthood,  and  the  morals  of  the  lower  clergy 
are  more  closely  scrutinized  by  the  bishops.  In  those  re- 


MEXICO  UNDER  LERDO  59 

spects  Protestantism  has  stirred  up  a  spirit  of  rivalry  in  the 
old  religion  and  awakened  its  energies  into  new  life  and 
activity. 

I  had  the  good  fortune  during  my  mission  in  Mexico  to 
meet  the  man  who  in  some  respects  may  be  regarded  as  the 
most  noted  personage  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  —  Santa 
Anna.  He  began  his  public  career  with  the  independence,  and 
was  an  active  participant  in  almost  every  movement  which 
disturbed  the  afflicted  country  up  to  his  death  in  1876,  being 
repeatedly  president  or  dictator  with  absolute  rule,  and  in 
turn  an  exile  and  powerless.  He  is  best  known  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  for  his  prominent  part  in  the  struggle 
for  Texan  independence  and  during  the  Mexican  War  of 
1846-8.  His  affiliations  were  generally  with  the  Conservative 
party,  but,  not  being  much  troubled  with  scruples,  he  readily 
vacillated  from  one  side  to  the  other. 

Owing  to  his  machinations  against  the  Juarez  Government 
a  sentence  of  banishment  for  eight  years  was  issued  against 
him  in  1867,  but  a  general  act  of  amnesty  for  political  offenses 
was  promulgated  in  1870,  and  he  returned  to  the  country  in 
1874,  and  quietly  took  up  his  residence  in  the  village  of 
Guadalupe,  in  the  suburbs  of  the  Capital.  His  return  at 
tracted  no  attention  beyond  a  brief  newspaper  notice.  I 
called  upon  him  in  his  modest  quarters,  and  was  very  cor 
dially  received  by  him.  I  found  him  much  broken  with  age, 
but  he  still  preserved  his  military  bearing  and  conversed 
with  great  freedom.  His  topics  were  mainly  of  the  past, 
referring  with  special  interest  to  his  visit  to  the  United  States 
after  his  capture  in  1836  by  the  Texans,  and  the  kind  recep 
tion  he  received.  A  few  months  after  my  visit  his  death  was 
announced,  and  he  was  quietly  buried  as  a  private  citizen,  his 
remains  being  followed  to  the  cemetery  by  a  few  relatives 
only.  Recalling  the  great  power  he  had  exercised  at  the  head 
of  the  Government,  we  are  reminded  of  the  fate  of  another 
greater  warrior :  — 


60  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

"  But  yesterday  the  word  of  Caesar  might 
Have  stood  against  the  world :  now  lies  he  there, 
And  none  so  poor  to  do  him  reverence." 

The  year  of  Santa  Anna's  death  Don  Carlos  de  Bourbon, 
the  pretender  to  the  Spanish  throne,  made  a  visit  of  a  few 
weeks  to  the  Capital.  He  was  courteously  received  except  in 
official  circles,  and  with  special  attention  by  certain  persons 
and  families  of  Spanish  origin,  adherents  of  the  old  Con 
servative  Church  party.  The  object  of  his  visit  seemed  to 
be  one  purely  of  recreation. 

In  1875,  in  connection  with  a  tour  of  the  United  States, 
the  Marchioness  Adelaide  Ristori  made  a  visit  to  Mexico, 
and  I  saw  much  of  her  socially  during  her  stay  in  the  Capital. 
She  was  the  guest  of  my  intimate  colleague,  the  Italian 
Minister,  was  several  times  a  visitor  at  my  residence,  and 
she  and  Mrs.  Foster  established  a  warm  friendship.  I  regard 
her  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  women  I  have  ever  met, 
both  intellectually  and  socially.  At  that  time  she  had  reached 
the  height  of  her  fame,  standing  in  the  front  rank  of  the 
world's  tragediennes,  having  been  showered  with  presents  by 
all  the  great  monarchs  of  Europe  and  with  the  plaudits  of 
the  artistic  and  refined  people  of  both  hemispheres.  After 
a  long  career  upon  the  stage,  she  retired  to  Rome  with  an 
ample  fortune,  devoting  her  time  to  charities  and  to  her 
multitude  of  friends  and  admirers.  Her  eightieth  birthday 
was  celebrated  in  1902  with  unusual  brilliancy,  and  she  lived 
to  the  age  of  eighty-five. 


CHAPTER  VI 

A  TRIP  TO   OAXACA 

WE  so  greatly  enjoyed  our  excursion  from  Cordova  to  Jalapa 
that  the  succeeding  summer  we  made  another  to  the  then 
more  inaccessible  and  more  famous  State  of  Oaxaca.  Our 
party  consisted  of  the  Italian  Minister,  the  Chevalier  Biagi, 
Dr.  and  Mrs.  Richardson  of  New  Orleans,  and  Mrs.  Foster 
and  myself.  We  came  from  the  capital  by  the  railroad  to 
Boca  del  Monte ;  thence  the  second  day  fourteen  leagues  by 
stage  to  Tehuacan,  where  we  found  a  comfortable  hotel ;  and 
the  third  day  by  stage,  a  distance  of  twenty  leagues,  to 
Tecomavaca,  with  poor  accommodations  for  the  night.  The 
remainder  of  the  journey,  about  one  hundred  miles  through 
the  heart  of  the  Sierra  Madre  range  to  the  city  of  Oaxaca, 
was  made  on  horseback  and  required  three  days.  The  ex 
periences  and  scenes  were  much  the  same  as  those  had  in  the 
trip  from  Cordova  to  Jalapa,  with  two  exceptions,  one 
agreeable  and  the  other  the  reverse.  We  experienced  less 
rain,  and  the  paths,  although  rugged,  were  not  so  difficult. 
On  the  other  hand  we  had  no  such  comfortable  entertainment 
at  night,  the  country  being  more  wild  and  unsettled.  One 
night  we  had  to  resort  to  a  hut  used  by  the  arrieros  with  their 
pack-trains,  and  made  our  beds  from  the  cornstalks  cut 
from  an  adjoining  field. 

There  is  no  State  of  the  Republic  which  has  more  objects 
and  associations  of  interest  or  natural  attractions  for  the 
visitor  than  Oaxaca.  It  was  the  seat  of  the  Zapotecan  race, 
one  of  the  most  warlike,  intelligent,  and  civilized  of  all  those 
existing  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest.  The  valley  of 
Oaxaca  was  selected  by  Cortez  as  a  part  of  his  estates  granted 


62  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

by  the  King  of  Spain  as  a  reward  for  his  grand  conquest,  and 
he  and  his  descendants  bore  the  title  of  "  Marquis  of  the 
Valley"  (of  Oaxaca).  The  city  was  founded  by  an  edict  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  V,  in  1532.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
war  of  independence  it  has  had  a  warlike  experience :  taken 
by  assault  from  the  Spaniards  by  the  heroic  Morelos  in  1812 ; 
Santa  Anna  besieged  and  captured  it  in  1828 ;  another  siege 
in  1833 ;  the  celebrated  siege  of  the  French  in  1865 ;  and  its 
recapture  by  Diaz  in  1866. 

The  State  has  been  noted  for  the  independent  spirit  and 
warlike  character  of  its  people.  It  gave  birth  to  Juarez, 
and  the  Reform  movement  had  its  promulgation  and  chief 
support  here.  It  was  also  the  birthplace  of  Diaz.  His  first 
revolutionary  "plan"  or  platform  of  1871,  "La  Noria,"  and 
that  of  1876,  "Tuxtepec,"  were  issued  here;  and  from  this 
State  he  organized  with  the  serranos  (mountaineers)  the 
army  which  overthrew  Lerdo  and  placed  himself  in  power. 

From  the  city  of  Oaxaca  our  party  made  several  short 
excursions  occupying  three  days,  to  some  of  the  wonders  of 
the  region,  one  of  those  being  to  Tule  to  see  the  gigantic  and 
marvelous  cypress  tree,  and  to  Mitla  to  examine  the  cele 
brated  architectural  ruins  at  that  place.  We  were  accom 
panied  by  the  Governor  of  the  State,  made  his  guests,  and 
received  in  all  the  towns  and  villages  with  music,  fireworks, 
and  floral  arches.  These  places  are  so  well  known  to  the  pub 
lic  through  books  of  travel  and  archaeological  writings,  that 
I  need  not  dilate  upon  them. 

But  another  place  which  we  visited  —  Cuilapam  —  is  so 
little  known  and  so  full  of  interest  that  it  calls  for  some 
further  notice.  This  village  lies  three  leagues  southwest  of 
the  city  of  Oaxaca  on  the  confines  of  the  luxuriant  valley 
of  Zimatlan.  In  the  ages  preceding  the  Spanish  Conquest  and 
before  this  region  was  subdued  by  the  Aztecs  of  the  Valley 
of  Mexico,  this  village  was  on  the  boundary  between  the 
rival  kingdoms  of  the  Mistecos  and  the  Zapotecos.  On  the 


A  TRIP  TO  OAXACA  63 

rising  ground  to  the  west  of  the  village  stood  a  watch-tower 
of  the  Mistecos,  whence  they  observed  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  Among  the  Indians  there  are  yet  treasured  many 
traditions  of  bloody  deeds  and  stirring  events  which  took 
place  ages  ago  among  a  people,  the  vestiges  of  whose  civil 
ization  and  prowess  still  remain  in  these  valleys,  objects  of 
our  wonder  and  admiration. 

On  the  site  of  the  ancient  Indian  watch-tower  the  Domini 
can  monks  built  an  immense  church  and  convent  in  the  early 
days  of  the  viceregal  government  of  Mexico,  which,  with 
their  towers  and  massive  walls,  have  the  appearance  of  an 
old  feudal  fortress.  The  convent  has  been  long  abandoned 
by  the  friars,  and  is  now  a  vast  desolation  of  halls,  corridors, 
chapels,  and  monks'  cells,  similar  to  the  ruins  which  are  scat 
tered  over  the  Republic,  the  evidences  of  the  departed  grand 
eur  and  wealth  of  the  Church.  We  spent  some  hours  with 
much  interest  in  wandering  through  these  dilapidated  build 
ings  deserted  by  all  but  the  bats,  which  have  found  there  a 
quiet  home ;  in  reading  the  faded  Latin  inscriptions  upon  the 
stuccoed  walls ;  in  seeking  to  trace  on  the  tombstones  in  the 
graveyard  the  history  of  the  old  monks;  and  in  clambering 
up  on  to  the  dome  of  the  church  and  viewing  the  grand 
panorama  of  the  valley  beneath  us  and  the  mountains  around 
and  below  us. 

A  part  of  the  immense  church,  in  a  very  ragged  condition, 
was  still  used  by  the  villagers,  and  the  padre  occupied  a  few 
of  the  lower  rooms.  Under  his  guidance  we  were  led  into  one 
of  the  courts,  where  we  were  shown  a  tomb  lying  level  with 
the  ground,  upon  which  were  engraved  some  huge  illegible 
letters,  which  bore  the  evident  marks  of  age.  This  tomb  the 
villagers  regard  with  the  greatest  reverence,  for  here  they 
say  was  buried  Dona  Marina,  or  Malinche,  the  famous  in 
terpreter  of  Cortez,  the  companion  of  the  Spaniards  in  all 
the  campaigns  of  the  Conquest,  a  most  important  instrument 
of  their  triumph,  and  one  of  the  noted  women  of  the  world. 


64  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Hers  was  a  strange  life,  as  a  Mexican  writer  has  said,  rather  a 
chapter  of  a  novel  than  a  sober  page  of  history.  The  begin 
ning  and  the  end  of  her  life  are  lost.  It  is  only  that  middle 
portion,  coupled  with  the  exploits  of  the  great  Spanish 
captain,  which  is  certainly  known.  Little  mention  is  made 
of  her  after  her  marriage.  Neither  Bernal  Diaz,  the  contem 
poraneous  historian,  nor  Prescott  has  more  than  a  passing 
reference  to  her  after-life.  Her  birth  and  her  death  are 
shrouded  in  mystery  and  uncertain  tradition.  Whether  or 
not  this  ancient  tomb  is  her  grave,  this  crumbling  ruin  is  a  fit 
resting-place  for  her  who  witnessed  the  overthrow  of  her  race 
—  this  spot  which  marks  their  contending  struggles  and 
where  the  conquerors  sought  to  build  an  enduring  monument 
of  their  faith,  which,  too,  in  its  turn,  has  gone  to  decay. 

There  was  one  remaining  historic  spot  which  we  had  not 
yet  seen,  so  we  asked  the  padre  where  was  the  monument 
that  marked  the  death  of  General  and  President  Guerrero. 
He  pointed  out  to  us  a  field  of  growing  wheat  at  the  rear  of 
the  convent;  he  evidently  did  not  care  to  accompany  us. 
It  marks  an  event  which  constitutes  one  of  the  darkest 
pages  of  all  Mexican  history.  General  Guerrero  was  one  of 
the  most  valiant  leaders  of  Mexican  independence,  and  in 
1828  came  to  the  presidency,  as  most  Mexicans  have,  through 
a  bloody  struggle  following  a  contested  election.  He  had 
been  fully  installed  and  recognized,  but  Bustamente,  the 
Vice-President,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt.  He  was  sup 
ported  by  many  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  old  leaders 
of  the  independence,  and  what  arms  were  likely  to  fail  in 
accomplishing,  treachery  and  money  achieved.  Guerrero 
was  entrapped  into  accepting  an  invitation  to  a  dinner  on 
board  a  foreign  vessel,  commanded  by  a  Genoese,  in  the 
harbor  of  Acapulco;  and  while  the  dinner  was  in  progress 
the  vessel  set  sail,  put  to  sea,  and  anchored  in  a  port  on  the 
coast  of  Oaxaca  in  the  hands  of  his  opponents.  For  this  base 
act  the  Genoese  is  said  to  have  received  $70,000.  His  captors 


A  TRIP  TO  OAXACA  65 

went  through  the  mock  forms  of  a  court-martial  in  this  con 
vent,  condemned  him  to  death,  and  on  this  spot  he  was  shot 
on  the  14th  of  February,  1831.  The  murderers  then,  with 
impious  rejoicing,  returned  to  the  church  and  sang  a  TeDeum 
over  the  death  of  this  brave  soldier  and  patriot,  who  had 
merited  the  honor  and  gratitude  of  his  countrymen. 

The  city  of  Oaxaca  not  only  bears  the  scars  of  war,  but 
shows  in  almost  every  quarter  the  marks  of  earthquakes, 
this  State  having  suffered  more  from  them  than  any  other. 
The  tradition  of  many  frightful  visitations  of  this  "chief  of 
terrors"  to  the  people,  occurring  centuries  ago,  are  kept 
fresh  in  the  memories  of  the  natives.  They  have  had  also 
recent  occasion  to  remember  their  terrible  manifestations. 
One  of  the  most  noted  of  these  took  place  only  three  years 
before  our  visit.  Nine  times  during  the  day  was  the  pheno 
menon  repeated,  and  so  powerfully  and  so  alarmingly  that 
the  houses  were  abandoned  and  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the 
plazas  or  open  squares,  and  even  to  the  open  fields  outside 
the  city.  Many  lives  were  lost,  and  we  saw  the  effects  in 
destroyed  houses  and  the  gaping  walls  of  massive  edifices. 
A  few  months  later  in  the  same  year  the  people  were  sud 
denly  awakened  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  by  a  terrific 
shock  which  seemed  to  crack  the  very  globe  itself,  followed 
immediately  by  an  oscillating  movement  of  some  seconds, 
and  finally  by  a  violent  trembling  motion.  Many  are  the 
injuries  which  these  earthquakes  always  cause  when  they 
combine  the  double  movement  of  oscillation  and  trepidation. 

One  of  the  noticeable  facts  about  earthquakes  is  that  they 
are  a  danger  to  which  the  inhabitants  never  become  accus 
tomed  or  indifferent.  However  often  repeated,  they  seem  to 
inspire  an  increasing  and  greater  fear  which  is  indescribable, 
and  which  seems  to  pervade  the  brute  with  even  greater 
force  than  man.  To  feel  the  very  earth,  which  is  our  symbol 
of  solidity  and  firmness  in  all  things  terrestrial,  tremble  and 
apparently  give  way  beneath  one's  feet,  inspires  such  an 


66  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

emotion  as  none  can  conceive  but  those  who  have  felt  a 
genuine  tropical  earthquake.  The  old  foreign  resident  of 
Mexico  tells  the  newcomer  that  he  will  not  know  the  coun 
try  till  he  has  experienced  an  earthquake  and  passed  through 
a  revolution.  We  were  visited  during  our  residence  with 
several  shocks,  but  fortunately  none  of  them  attended  with 
disastrous  consequences.  Once  while  dining  in  the  Legation 
with  a  party  of  friends,  among  them  George  W.  Garleton, 
the  New  York  publisher,  in  the  midst  of  the  dinner  there 
came  a  sudden  and  violent  shock,  which  instantly  brought 
all  of  us  to  our  feet.  It  was  a  simple  shock  only,  and  we  soon 
recovered  our  equanimity,  resumed  our  seats,  and  the  dinner 
went  on.  Mr.  Carleton,  who  was  quite  an  artist,  made  an 
amusing  pen-and-ink  sketch  of  the  scene.  As  I  am  not  able 
to  reproduce  this  picture,  I  quote  a  word-sketch  written  by 
a  traveler  in  Oaxaca  describing  his  experience  while  on  a 
visit  to  Mitla,  as  follows :  — 

"We  were  sitting  one  day  at  the  table,  when  of  a  sudden 
somebody  —  shook  the  table ;  no !  —  the  walls  shook,  also 
the  ceiling;  the  mighty  beams  supporting  it  groaned  and 
twisted  about,  as  if  their  vitals  were  under  the  influence  of 
colic.  The  company  stared  at  one  another;  but  scarcely  a 
face  looked  funny  enough  to  warrant  the  impeachment  of 
any  one  having  played  a  trick  upon  the  diners.  Another 
heave,  and  everything  movable,  and  what  we  might  have 
thought  before  immovable,  swayed  about,  a  cracking,  a 
rattling,  and  a  subterranean  growl  upset  the  equilibrium  of 
everything,  and,  above  all,  that  of  the  bipeds,  or  most  of 
them  at  least,  for  away  they  rushed,  pell-mell,  into  the 
courtyard,  leaving  the  poor  pudding  standing  smoking  in 
the  middle  of  the  table.  A  few  old  stagers  remained,  fas 
cinated  apparently  by  the  attraction  of  the  smoking  good 
cheer,  and  shamming  as  much  cheer  of  their  own  as  they 
could  conscientiously  make  pretense  to.  This  encouraged 
some  of  us  to  attempt  also  keeping  up  appearances,  and  so, 


A  TRIP  TO  OAXACA  67 

with  a  sort  of  seasick  feeling,  and  more  sickly  smiles,  we 
revenged  ourselves  on  the  pudding,  by  dissecting  and  em 
boweling  it,  though  choking  with  our  mouths  full. 

"We  had  just  recovered  ourselves  sufficiently  to  swallow 
like  Christians,  the  fugitives  were  returning,  and  reassuming 
their  greedy  looks  in  regard  to  pudding  and  dessert,  when 
another  unmitigated  subterranean  kick  stopped  every  morsel 
in  our  throats.  This  was  no  laughing  matter ;  we  all  felt  ex 
ceedingly  sick ;  we  could  not  keep  our  positions  on  the  chairs, 
but  had  to  hold  on  to  walls,  doors,  and  window-frames  that 
had  as  much  need  of  support  as  we  had.  .  .  .  We  had  to 
evacuate ;  we  sallied  into  the  street  and  there  we  were  soon 
imbued  with  the  terrible  seriousness  of  an  earthquake.  From 
all  the  houses  the  inhabitants  had  come  forth  to  the  most 
spacious  places  where  two  streets  crossed,  or  to  the  plazas 
or  open  squares.  They  were  on  their  knees,  pale  and  de 
spairing,  praying  earnestly,  some  loud,  some  low,  and  here 
and  there  a  heart-rending  yell  of  'misericordia,  domineP 
would  be  echoed  by  a  hundred  faltering  tongues." 

Our  visit  to  Oaxaca  terminated  with  a  large  banquet  in 
our  honor  given  by  the  Governor  in  the  Government  Hall. 
The  local  press  referred  to  it  with  much  satisfaction,  and 
with  details  of  the  floral  decorations,  the  display  of  flags  of 
"all  nations  friendly  to  Mexico,"  the  music,  etc.  As  on  all 
such  occasions  there  were  various  toasts  and  speeches.  That 
of  the  Governor,  which  is  a  fair  specimen  of  Mexican  after- 
dinner  oratory,  was  as  follows :  — 

To-day  we  register  in  our  annals  an  act  hitherto  unknown ; 
the  representatives  of  two  powerful,  friendly  nations  come 
among  us  to  visit  the  cradle  of  the  Zapotecos,  which  is  also 
the  country  of  the  immortal  Juarez.  If  history  is  not  a  vain 
echo  lost  in  the  lapse  of  time,  we  should  take  from  it  a  good 
lesson  for  the  future.  The  illustrious  travelers  who  now 
listen  to  me  advise  the  aristocracy  to  forego  its  privileges 


68  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

which  have  no  reason  to  exist,  to  teach  the  classes  still 
marked  with  the  seal  of  former  servitude,  that  they  could 
only  raise  themselves  from  the  dust  and  put  on  the  august 
crown  of  their  right  proclaiming  liberty  and  equality,  and 
give  the  people  to  understand  that  not  because  it  has  been 
oppressed  will  it  be  an  oppressor;  that  not  because  it  has 
been  tyrannized  over  can  it  tyrannize  in  its  turn. 

We  will  take  to  ourselves  these  doctrines  and  measure 
their  importance. 

These  travelers  call  us  brothers,  and  pour  out  to  us  con 
solation  and  hope;  they  bring  a  desire  for  better  and  more 
prosperous  times  for  Oaxaca ;  they  teach  us  to  make  property 
prolific  with  our  work ;  they  enlighten  us  with  their  counsel, 
and  engrave  upon  our  minds  the  ideas  that  are  to  make  our 
future  happy. 

We  bless,  gentlemen,  the  inscrutable  decree  of  Providence 
that  has  brought  among  us  the  enlightened  representatives 
of  two  powerful  nations,  and  upon  offering  them  our  hospi 
tality,  we  strew  their  path  with  flowers,  and  in  the  light  of 
vivid  and  imperishable  joy,  we  will  drink  to  the  health  and 
the  glory  of  the  two  wise  Ministers  who  are  to-day  our 
worthy  guests. 

In  my  reply  to  the  Governor,  after  expressing  our  high 
appreciation  of  the  honor  and  attentions  we  had  received, 
I  said :  — 

I  am  gratified  to  have  this  appropriate  opportunity  to 
offer  a  sentiment  to  the  memory  of  the  distinguished  states 
man,  who  has  rendered  such  important  service  to  his  native 
State  of  Oaxaca,  to  his  country,  and  to  republican  institu 
tions  throughout  the  world.  .  .  .  The  past  has  furnished 
few  more  illustrious  examples  of  steadiness  of  purpose,  de 
votion  to  principle,  or  unwavering  faith  in  the  cause  of  lib 
erty  and  human  progress  through  years  of  darkness,  disaster, 


A  TRIP  TO  OAXACA  69 

and  adversity  than  that  of  Don  Benito  Juarez.  He  was  a 
worthy  compeer  of  the  political  giants  of  our  generation  who 
struggled  successfully  for  national  unity  and  the  consolida 
tion  of  their  respective  principles  of  government  —  of  our 
own  immortal  Lincoln,  of  Count  Cavour  of  Italy,  and  of 
Prince  Bismarck  of  Germany ;  and  I  doubt  not  that  history 
will  record  his  name  in  enduring  letters  on  the  scroll  of  fame, 
along  with  the  great  American  apostles  of  freedom,  Hidalgo, 
Bolivar,  and  Washington. 

It  is  to  present  my  offering  of  devotion  and  admiration 
I  have  crossed  the  mountains  and  come  into  this  beautiful 
valley  —  to  this  city,  the  scene  of  his  youth  and  early  man 
hood.  I  close  with  the  toast :  To  the  memory  of  Juarez  and  to 
the  prosperity  of  his  native  State  of  Oaxaca. 

Our  visit  to  Oaxaca  was  in  all  respects  satisfactory  and 
enjoyable.  We  were  received  by  the  official  and  social 
circles  with  every  civility  and  attention.  Our  presence  among 
them  was  recognized  as  a  special  mark  of  consideration  for 
their  city  and  State,  and  it  proved  as  agreeable  to  us  as  to 
them.  The  American  Consul,  in  writing  me  after  our  depart 
ure  of  the  pleasant  impression  made  by  our  visit,  concluded 
as  follows :  "  Every  event  that  takes  place  here  this  year  will 
bear  date,  el  ano  de  la  visita  del  Ministro  de  los  Estados  Uni 
ties." 

The  Mexican  people  are  exceedingly  patriotic  and  celebrate 
their  national  days  with  much  enthusiasm.  The  two  events 
to  which  they  annually  give  special  importance  are  the  pro 
mulgation  of  the  independence  by  Hidalgo  on  September  15, 
and  the  defeat  of  the  French  in  their  attack  upon  Puebla  on 
May  5.  They  also  commemorated  the  battles  in  the  Valley 
of  Mexico  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  city  by  Gen 
eral  Scott,  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  often  participating 
in  the  exercises.  It  seems  a  little  odd  to  Americans  that  those 
defeats  which  brought  such  overwhelming  disaster  to  the 


70  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

nation  should  continue  to  be  celebrated  with  so  much  patri 
otic  fervor.  The  Mexicans,  however,  look  upon  them  some 
what  in  the  light  with  which  the  Greeks  regarded  Thermo 
pylae,  as  exhibitions  of  heroic  devotion  and  bravery  under  the 
most  adverse  circumstances.  They  deplore  the  dissensions 
which  weakened  the  national  defense  against  the  invaders, 
and  recognize  the  want  of  skill  in  their  generals,  but  their 
orators  annually  laud  the  soldiers  in  the  ranks  who  fought 
with  heroism  in  a  hopeless  contest,  and  hold  up  their  example 
as  a  pattern  for  the  rising  generation  of  their  countrymen. 

But  during  my  residence  I  saw  little  evidence  of  bitter 
ness  of  feeling  against  Americans  because  of  the  war  which 
despoiled  the  Mexicans  of  half  their  territory.  Time  has  done 
much  to  heal  the  wounds  of  war,  and  after  a  generation  and 
more  have  passed  their  intelligent  citizens  can  see  that  the 
spirit  which  brought  on  the  hostilities  was  slavery ;  that  it 
was  destroyed  in  the  Civil  War;  and  that  a  different  spirit 
has  since  then  controlled  our  Government,  as  was  manifest 
in  the  sympathy  shown  the  Liberals  in  their  contest  with 
Maximilian. 


CHAPTER  VII 

REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO 

I  HAVE  already  referred  to  the  insecurity  of  life  and  property 
existing  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico  during  the  first  years  of  my 
residence.  The  same  state  of  affairs  existed,  possibly  in  a 
more  aggravated  form,  throughout  the  country  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  term  of  President  Lerdo.  At  no  time  was 
it  free  from  some  kind  of  a  revolution,  local  or  general.  In 
1874,  after  Lerdo  had  been  in  power  for  more  than  a  year,  he 
arranged  an  excursion  into  the  Valley  of  Cuernavaca  and  to 
the  famous  cave  of  Cacahuamilpa,  in  the  State  of  Guerrero, 
to  which  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  members  of  his  Cabinet,  and 
other  friends  were  invited.  In  a  great  banquet  tendered  to 
him  and  his  party  by  the  Governor  of  Morelos,  at  Cuerna 
vaca,  President  Lerdo  cited  the  fact  of  this  excursion  and  the 
presence  of  eight  Governors  of  States,  as  evidence  that  peace 
at  last  reigned  throughout  the  Republic,  and  that  it  was 
possible  for  so  many  public  officials  to  absent  themselves 
from  their  posts.  He  seemed  oblivious  of  the  large  cavalry 
escort  which  constantly  accompanied  him  and  of  the  army 
and  rural  guards  which  were  on  duty  at  every  town  and 
village  through  which  he  passed. 

The  trains  on  the  only  railroad  in  the  country,  that  from 
Mexico  City  to  Vera  Cruz,  constantly  contained  one  or  more 
cars  loaded  with  a  guard  of  armed  soldiers.  The  hacendados 
did  not  venture  off  of  their  landed  estates  without  an  armed 
guard,  and  the  richest  of  them  lived  in  the  cities  for  their 
personal  safety.  Every  man  of  any  importance  traveling 
on  the  roads  went  "  armed  to  the  teeth."  The  conductas  or 
bullion  trains,  which  brought  the  gold  and  silver  from  the 


72  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

mines  to  the  mint  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  or  for  exportation, 
were  always  heavily  protected  by  guards.  It  was  the  custom 
at  large  mining-centres,  such  as  Zacatecas  and  Guanajuato, 
to  combine  the  output  of  the  different  mines  in  one  large 
conducta  at  stated  intervals,  and  the  Government  would 
furnish  a  detachment  of  the  army  as  a  guard.  From  such 
distant  points  as  the  State  of  Chihuahua  the  conductas  were 
several  weeks  on  the  road  before  reaching  the  City  of  Mexico. 
From  isolated  mines  the  conductas  were  formed  by  and  at  the 
expense  of  the  proprietors. 

I  give  a  statement  furnished  me  by  the  manager  of  a  well- 
known  mine  which  I  was  visiting,  situated  in  the  mountains 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the  Capital: 
"Owing  to  the  rugged  character  of  the  country  wheel  con 
veyance  is  impracticable,  and  pack-mules  must  be  employed. 
The  number  of  men  composing  the  guard  varies  somewhat 
according  to  the  amount  of  silver.  It  is  always  better  to  send 
a  large  amount,  as  the  expense  is  considerably  greater  on  a 
small  amount,  in  proportion  to  what  it  would  be  on  a  larger 
quantity.  An  escort  for,  say,  fifty  thousand  ounces  of  silver 
would  require  from  thirty  to  forty  armed  men,  five  muleteers, 
and  twenty  pack-mules.  The  men  who  form  the  guard  are 
carefully  picked  out  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  district,  and 
consist  chiefly  of  small  farmers  who  hold  lands  under  the 
company,  and  the  superior  workmen  from  the  mines  who 
can  be  spared  from  their  work.  It  is  always  an  object  of 
ambition  to  be  placed  on  the  conductas,  and  consequently 
we  are  able  to  pick  out  the  best  and  most  trustworthy  men. 
The  guards  have  to  supply  their  own  horses  and  find  their 
own  living  on  the  road.  Great  care  is  taken  that  no  informa 
tion  gets  abroad  as  to  the  date  of  departure  of  the  conducta, 
owing  to  the  risk  of  such  news  allowing  time  for  bands  of 
robbers  to  collect.  It  being  decided  to  send  down  the  silver, 
instructions  will  be  given  the  night  before.  By  daylight  next 
morning  the  required  number  of  men  with  their  horses  will 


REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO  73 

collect  in  the  courtyard  and  receive  arms  from  the  company, 
consisting  of  a  German  needle  carbine  and  a  large  revolver, 
the  men  providing  themselves  with  swords.  Thus  prepared 
the  muleteers  bring  forward  the  pack-mules,  the  silver  bars 
are  delivered  over  wrapped  in  coarse  matting,  and  securely 
fastened  one  on  each  side  of  the  pack-saddles.  The  conducts 
on  arrival  in  the  Capital  goes  straight  to  the  mint.  The 
journey,  going  and  returning,  occupies  from  six  to  eight 
days." 

It  can  readily  be  seen  that  this  condition  of  affairs  greatly 
retarded  the  development  of  mining,  which  was  and  is  the 
chief  industry  of  the  country.  Neither  could  commerce 
greatly  flourish.  The  rate  of  exchange  between  the  Capital 
and  near-by  cities  was  often  as  high  as  from  three  to  five 
per  cent,  and  for  the  cities  in  distant  parts  of  the  Republic 
even  ten  per  cent. 

I  have  noted  the  saying  that  one  will  not  know  Mexico  till 
he  has  experienced  an  earthquake  and  passed  through  a  revo 
lution.  We  had  enough  of  the  former  to  satisfy  our  curiosity, 
and  we  were  fated  to  witness  the  latter  on  a  most  extensive 
scale. 

Benito  Juarez,  the  great  hero  of  the  Reform  Movement, 
was  chosen  President  of  the  Republic  in  1858  and  continued 
at  the  head  of  the  Government  through  the  War  of  the  Re 
form  and  the  French  Intervention.  After  the  fall  of  Maxi 
milian  in  1867  an  election  was  held  and  Juarez  was  again 
chosen  for  four  years.  When  his  term  approached  the  end,  his 
personal  adherents  insisted  that  the  Reform  Movement  still 
required  him  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  I  was  once 
dining  with  a  humorous  Mexican  friend.  In  due  course  the 
olla  podrida  was  served,  a  very  savory  and  popular  dish 
composed  of  various  stewed  meats,  vegetables,  and  fruits, 
universally  a  part  of  Mexican  dinners.  When  it  came  to  the 
table  he  said :  "  You  know  we  call  this  el  plato  Juarez." 

I  expressed  surprise  and  asked  for  an  explanation. 


74  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

"0 1  yes;  el  plato  Juarez,  for  we  have  Don  Benito  with  us 
always." 

A  large  party  in  the  country  opposed  the  reelection  of 
Juarez  in  1867,  and  supported  the  candidacy  of  General 
Porfirio  Diaz,  who  had  gained  great  popularity  in  the  late 
war  against  the  French.  When  the  candidacy  of  Juarez  was 
again  announced  in  1871  the  partisans  of  Diaz  loudly  pro 
tested  against  it ;  and  Lerdo,  who  had  been  Juarez'  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs  and  was  then  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  and  ex-officio  Vice-President,  also  declared  his  opposi 
tion.  In  the  election  none  of  the  three  candidates,  Juarez, 
Diaz,  or  Lerdo,  had  a  majority  upon  the  returns,  and  the 
choice  devolved  upon  the  Congress,  which  declared  Juarez 
President. 

The  most  fruitful  source  of  the  revolutions  which  have 
marked  the  independent  existence  of  the  Latin-American 
States  has  been  the  effort  of  the  public  men  of  those  countries 
to  continue  themselves  in  power  or  to  attain  the  Presidency 
by  other  than  peaceful  and  constitutional  methods.  This 
has  been  preeminently  the  case  in  the  history  of  Mexico,  and 
proved  true  in  the  epoch  under  review.  The  re-inauguration 
of  Juarez  was  followed  by  a  pronunciamento  by  Diaz,  de 
claring  his  election  illegal  and  void,  because  he  had  prevented 
a  fair  expression  of  the  popular  will  by  force  and  official 
intimidation,  and  he  took  up  arms,  with  the  battle-cry  of 
"no  reelection."  Lerdo's  partisans  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  followed  the  example  of  Diaz,  but  Lerdo  himself 
did  not  leave  the  Capital  and  took  no  open  part  in  the  revolt. 
The  whole  nation  was  soon  turned  into  an  armed  camp,  and 
bloody  battles  occurred  between  the  Government  troops  and 
the  revolutionists  in  many  sections  of  the  country.  The 
situation  indicated  the  triumph  of  Diaz,  when  on  July  18, 
1872,  Juarez  died  suddenly  of  an  attack  of  apoplexy. 

The  angel  of  death  proved  to  be  the  messenger  of  peace. 
Lerdo,  as  Vice-President,  assumed  the  Presidency,  Diaz 


REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO  75 

acquiesced  in  the  act,  and  an  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Lerdo  for  the  constitutional  term  of  four  years.  A  general 
proclamation  of  amnesty  was  issued,  and  there  seemed  the 
promise  of  an  era  of  peace  for  the  country.  Diaz  came 
quietly  to  the  Capital  after  the  election,  and  lived  in  retire 
ment,  manifesting  little  interest  in  political  affairs,  although 
he  had  been  elected  a  member  of  Congress.  It  was  said  that 
the  Administration  made  overtures  to  him  to  accept  a  foreign 
mission,  which  he  declined.  When  it  became  apparent  that 
President  Lerdo  would  seek  a  reelection  Diaz  left  the  Capital 
and  went  to  his  native  State  of  Oaxaca.  Meanwhile  discon 
tent  was  manifesting  itself  in  various  parts  of  the  country  and 
local  uprisings  were  frequent. 

As  early  as  May,  1875,  Congress  conferred  on  the  President 
what  are  termed  "  extraordinary  faculties."  This  is  a  species 
of  legislation  quite  common  in  the  system  of  government  of 
Mexico  and  other  Latin-American  States,  but  is  never  re 
sorted  to  except  in  the  face  of  an  alarming  revolution,  or  at 
least  under  the  pretext  of  great  danger  to  the  nation.  Its 
objectionable  features,  in  a  republican  point  of  view,  are  that 
it  suspends  the  legislative  power  and  makes  the  Executive 
a  dictator. 

This  action  of  Congress  satisfied  the  partisans  of  Diaz  that 
their  candidate  would  stand  no  chance  of  obtaining  a  free 
expression  of  the  popular  will  at  the  coming  presidential  elec 
tion,  and  they  resolved  again  to  appeal  to  arms.  In  January, 
1876,  the  "Plan  of  Tuxtepec"  was  proclaimed  in  one  of  the 
mountain  towns  of  Oaxaca  from  which  it  took  its  name, 
denouncing  the  reelection  of  Lerdo,  and  naming  Diaz  as  the 
regenerator  of  the  country.  Oaxaca  and  the  neighboring 
States  were  soon  in  revolt,  but  the  Government  sent  large 
masses  of  troops  into  that  region,  and  Diaz  transferred  his 
operations  to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier.  The  entire  country 
was  again  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution  even  more  widespread 
than  that  of  1871  against  Juarez,  and  early  in  the  year  we 


76  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

began  to  feel  its  effects  in  the  Capital.  In  April,  1876, 1  re 
ported  to  the  Department  of  State  that  in  almost  all  the 
important  States  martial  law  had  been  proclaimed  and  they 
were  in  a  "state  of  siege" ;  that  the  President  was  resorting 
to  " forced  loans"  to  replenish  the  treasury  and  put  down 
the  rebellion;  that  the  railroad  to  Vera  Cruz  had  been  de 
stroyed  at  different  points  by  the  revolutionists  and  traffic 
suspended  for  more  than  a  month  past ;  that  mail  communi 
cation  with  the  seaport  and  with  the  interior  was  uncertain 
and  difficult;  that  the  diligences  were  detained  and  robbed 
in  all  directions;  and  that  travel  throughout  the  country 
was  greatly  interrupted  and  dangerous. 

The  revolutionists  never  invested  the  Capital,  although 
they  made  incursions  into  the  Valley,  and  we  were  practically 
shut  up  to  the  city  and  its  immediate  environs.  The  greatest 
inconvenience  suffered  by  us  was  in  having  our  rail  commun 
ication  with  Vera  Cruz  and  the  outer  world  cut  off.  In  those 
days  it  was  the  practice  of  foreign  visitors  to  come  to  the 
Capital  during  the  winter  and  early  spring  months,  but  they 
were  always  desirous  of  departing  before  the  yellow  fever 
began  its  ravages  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  it  was  a  regular  sum 
mer  visitant.  In  1876,  however,  because  of  the  destruction 
of  railroad  bridges  by  the  insurgents,  a  large  number  were 
detained  in  the  city  and  it  began  to  be  feared  that  they  would 
not  be  able  to  get  through  Vera  Cruz  without  exposure  to 
the  much-dreaded  scourge.  I  also  had  planned  to  have  my 
family  return  to  the  United  States  and  visit  the  Centennial 
Exposition  at  Philadelphia.  Besides,  a  larger  number  than 
usual  of  the  wealthy  Mexican  families  were  desirous  of  going 
abroad  because  of  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  country. 

I  was  quietly  informed  by  the  manager  of  the  Vera  Cruz 
Railway,  an  English  company,  that  the  Government  was 
furnishing  them  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers  to  put  the  rail 
road  again  in  order,  and  that  when  all  was  in  readiness  they 
would  run  through  a  special  train  to  take  away  the  plethora 


REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO  77 

of  travelers  shut  up  in  the  Capital,  but  that  it  must  be  done 
without  public  announcement,  lest  the  revolutionists  should 
arrange  to  capture  the  train,  as  they  had  done  repeatedly. 
He  also  expressed  the  wish  that  I  should  accompany  them,  as 
he  thought  the  presence  of  the  American  Minister  might 
give  greater  security  in  case  of  an  attack  on  the  train.  This 
I  promised  to  do,  as  I  had  expected  to  go  with  my  family  as 
far  as  Vera  Cruz  in  any  case. 

When  all  was  in  readiness  the  passengers  were  assembled 
at  the  station,  and  the  unusually  long  train  started  at  mid 
night  in  order  to  pass  over  the  mountainous  and  dangerous 
part  of  the  road  in  daylight.  The  manager  placed  American 
flags  on  the  front  and  rear  of  the  train,  as  he  said,  in  honor  of 
my  presence,  but  really  to  deter  any  revolutionary  band  that 
might  be  inclined  to  stop  our  progress.  The  passengers 
traveled  with  much  foreboding  and  were  constantly  on  the 
lookout  for  danger ;  but  we  reached  Vera  Cruz  in  safety  and 
without  any  mishap,  and  they  were  glad  to  find  the  steamer 
ready  to  take  them  out  of  the  distracted  country.  It  was 
generally  believed  that  I  had  communicated  with  the  revo 
lutionists  and  secured  an  assurance  of  free  passage  of  the 
train,  but  there  was  no  foundation  for  such  a  belief. 

I  well  remember  the  conversation  I  had  on  the  steamer 
with  a  passenger,  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  respected  of 
Mexican  citizens.  On  taking  leave  of  me,  he  expressed  his 
thanks  for  my  part  in  getting  him  and  his  family  safely 
out  of  the  Capital,  and  he  then  proceeded  to  say  that  my 
Government  was  in  large  measure  responsible  for  the  present 
wretched  condition  of  his  country ;  that  he,  in  union  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  responsible  citizens  and  property  interests 
of  the  country,  had  encouraged  the  coming  of  Maximilian, 
and  that  under  him  there  was  the  prospect  of  a  stable  Gov 
ernment,  but  that  the  United  States  had  been  the  means  of 
its  overthrow.  Hence,  he  declared,  it  was  the  duty  of  my 
Government  to  occupy  the  country,  restore  order,  and  give 


78  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

to  it  the  same  security,  stability,  and  prosperity  which  our 
people  enjoyed;  there  was  no  other  solution  to  the  existing 
conditions.  He  took  leave  of  me  sadly,  saying  he  never  ex 
pected  to  return  to  his  country.  Soon  after  he  died  in  Europe, 
but  his  children  are  still  living  in  Mexico,  and  have  greatly 
benefited  in  their  father's  estate  by  the  era  of  protection  and 
prosperity  of  the  Diaz  regime. 

The  railroad  officials,  having  no  confidence  in  their  ability 
to  keep  the  road  open,  advised  me  to  return  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  day  of  my  arrival  I  left  Vera 
Cruz  for  the  Capital  on  a  special  train.  The  regular  train 
which  left  the  next  morning  was  thrown  from  the  track  by  a 
guerrilla  band,  claiming  to  be  partisans  of  Diaz,  the  pass 
engers  were  stripped  of  their  arms  and  valuables,  the  train 
burned,  and  the  road  torn  up.  For  weeks  afterwards  the 
traffic  was  suspended,  until  the  track  was  put  in  order  under 
military  protection,  only  to  be  again  interrupted.  During 
this  period,  in  order  to  keep  the  Government  at  Washington 
informed  of  affairs,  I  had  to  employ  a  private  courier  to  carry 
my  dispatches  to  Vera  Cruz. 

After  the  arrival  of  General  Diaz  on  the  Rio  Grande  fron 
tier,  he  made  his  headquarters  at  Brownsville,  on  the  Ameri 
can  side  of  the  river,  until  his  supporters  were  in  condition 
to  assume  hostilities.  The  Lerdo  Government  made  com 
plaint  of  this  at  Washington  as  an  infringement  of  hospitality 
and  an  abuse  of  American  territory,  but  no  open  violation  of 
the  neutrality  laws  was  established.  In  a  short  time  Diaz 
joined  his  partisans  in  the  State  of  Tamaulipas,  but  he  was 
defeated  by  the  Government  forces,  his  adherents  dispersed, 
and  he  again  took  refuge  on  American  territory.  He  had  had 
startling  experiences  and  escapes  during  the  French  inter 
vention,  but  he  was  now  to  pass  through  an  adventure  which 
eclipsed  all  the  other  experiences  which  had  given  him  such 
a  reputation  for  daring. 

He  resolved  to  return  to  his  home  in  Oaxaca  and  there 


REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO  79 

again  raise  the  standard  which  the  Lerdo  forces  had  over 
thrown.  He  went  to  New  Orleans  and  took  passage,  in  dis 
guise  and  under  an  assumed  name,  on  the  American  mail 
steamer  for  Vera  Cruz.  En  route  the  steamer  called  at  Tam- 
pico,  but  owing  to  the  bar  it  anchored  two  or  three  miles  out 
at  sea.  Here  a  number  of  officers  of  the  regular  Mexican  army, 
who  were  well  acquainted  with  Diaz,  embarked  for  Vera 
Cruz,  and  the  latter  felt  sure  they  recognized  him.  If  so  his 
capture  at  Vera  Cruz  and  execution  seemed  certain.  That 
night  he  threw  himself  into  the  sea,  which  is  usually  alive 
with  sharks,  feeling  able  to  swim  ashore,  being  athletic  and  a 
good  swimmer.  But  the  cry  "man  overboard"  was  sounded 
by  the  watch,  a  boat  was  lowered,  and  he  was  brought  back 
to  the  steamer  in  the  sight  of  many  passengers.  The  purser 
of  the  ship,  being  in  the  secret  of  his  voyage,  at  once  took 
him  in  charge,  spirited  him  away,  and  he  was  not  seen  again. 

On  arrival  of  the  vessel  at  Vera  Cruz  the  Government 
officials  were  informed  of  his  presence  aboard,  and  a  thorough 
search  was  made  by  the  port  guard,  but  Diaz  was  not  found. 
In  a  way  which  has  never  been  made  public  he  reached  the 
shore  in  safety,  and  was  soon  again  among  his  faithful  ad 
herents  in  the  mountain  fastnesses  of  his  native  State.  After 
the  triumph  of  his  cause  and  Diaz  was  seated  in  the  presi 
dency,  the  purser  of  the  steamer,  though  an  American  citizen, 
was  appointed  to  the  lucrative  post  of  Consul-General  at 
San  Francisco,  which  he  held  for  many  years. 

The  presence  in  their  midst  of  their  favorite  chieftain  soon 
revived  the  waning  fortunes  of  the  revolutionists,  and  the 
mountaineers  flocked  to  the  Diaz  standard;  Alatorre,  the 
ablest  of  the  Lerdist  generals,  was  driven  out  of  Oaxaca, 
and  on  November  16,  in  a  decisive  battle  at  Tecoac,  about 
seventy-five  miles  across  the  mountains  east  of  the  Capital, 
the  Diaz  forces  were  completely  victorious  over  the  main 
army  of  the  Government. 

When  the  news  reached  the  city  it  spread  consternation 


80  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

in  Administrative  circles,  as  Lerdo  had  been  made  to  believe 
that  his  generals  would  be  able  to  drive  Diaz  back  into 
Oaxaca.  Nevertheless  preparations  were  made  for  a  defense 
of  the  city  by  fortifying  the  gates  and  concentrating  troops, 
but  on  the  20th,  after  details  of  Alatorre's  complete  rout 
were  received,  all  these  preparations  were  abandoned,  the 
Minister  of  War  presented  himself  before  the  Congress,  and, 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  stated  that  the  Council  of 
Ministers  had  decided  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  President 
to  maintain  to  the  utmost  the  standard  of  legitimate  and 
constitutional  government,  and  that,  following  the  example 
of  Juarez,  if  forced  to  leave  the  Capital,  he  would,  if  neces 
sary,  sustain  it  in  the  remotest  corner  of  the  Republic. 

This  was  accepted  as  an  announcement  that  President 
Lerdo  would  abandon  the  Capital,  and  all  classes  were  in 
a  state  of  intense  excitement.  General  Diaz,  after  the  battle 
on  the  16th,  not  realizing  the  completeness  of  his  triumph, 
had  marched  to  Puebla  to  reorganize  his  army  preparatory 
to  an  advance  on  the  Capital.  If  Lerdo  and  his  forces  aban 
doned  it,  there  would  be  an  interregnum  of  some  days  before 
Diaz  could  assume  the  Government,  and  i#  the  mean  time  it 
was  feared  that  the  city  might  be  given  over  to  the  rioting 
of  the  lawless  elements.  Banks  and  commercial  houses 
would  then  be  exposed  to  pillage.  The  leading  banking- 
house  of  the  city  was  next-door  neighbor  to  my  Legation, 
and  alarmed  at  the  situation  my  friend,  the  manager,  asked 
that  he  might  transfer  the  contents  of  his  vaults  to  an  ad 
joining  room  of  the  Legation,  which  could  be  done  unob 
served  by  making  an  inside  opening  in  the  wall;  the  idea 
being  entertained  that  a  wholesome  respect  for  the  American 
flag  would  deter  a  mob  of  pillagers  from  entering  the  Lega 
tion  premises. 

Darkness  fell  upon  the  city  the  night  of  the  20th  with  a 
feeling  of  gloom  and  fear  pervading  the  inhabitants,  as  it  was 
generally  known  that  the  Government  was  preparing  to 


REVOLUTIONARY  MEXICO  81 

evacuate.  I  invited  a  few  of  my  countrymen  to  come  to  the 
Legation  that  night,  and  with  them  the  bank  officials  and 
the  members  of  the  Legation  staff.  All  of  them  saw  fit  to 
come  armed.  There  was  no  slumber  for  that  company,  but 
we  were  a  cheerful  party,  passing  the  time  at  whist  or  other 
games,  with  a  supper  at  a  late  hour  of  the  night,  or  rather  an 
early  one  of  the  morning.  There  were  many  such  gatherings 
in  the  banking  and  commercial  houses  of  the  Capital  that 
night. 

Our  vigil  passed  with  only  two  interruptions.  A  Senator 
called  at  an  early  hour  to  ask  if  he  might  become  my  tem 
porary  guest.  He  had  been  a  champion  in  Congress  of  the 
Lerdo  regime  and  showed  much  bitterness  towards  the  Diaz 
movement,  and  feared  that  he  might  be  exposed  to  insult, 
if  not  danger,  from  excited  partisans  of  Diaz  before  order 
was  established.  He  was  my  personal  friend  and  I  was  glad  to 
give  him  a  room  in  my  house.  In  the  early  hours  of  the 
morning  General ,  a  gallant  old  soldier,  a  former  Minis 
ter  of  War,  my  near  neighbor,  for  a  similar  reason  also  asked 
to  become  my  guest,  and  brought  with  him  his  favorite  war- 
horse,  the  companion  of  many  campaigns,  a  noble  animal.  I 
gave  the  General  my  best  chamber  and  quartered  the  charger 
in  the  Legation  patio.  My  two  distinguished  guests  remained 
with  me  for  forty-eight  hours  only,  but  an  amusing  and 
somewhat  embarrassing  condition  was  developed.  These 
two  gentlemen,  while  both  hostile  to  the  Diaz  movement, 
were  bitter  personal  enemies,  and  could  not  be  brought 
together  at  my  table  or  in  my  family  circle.  So  they  were 
voluntary  recluses  in  their  own  apartments  during  their  stay. 
The  practice  of  resort  by  public  men  to  legation  asylum  is 
quite  common  in  the  Latin-American  States  in  time  of  dis 
order  and  revolution,  but  my  experience  hi  this  instance 
was  unique,  in  that  the  Legation  at  one  and  the  same  time 
afforded  protection  to  public  men,  bank  treasures,  and  war- 
horses. 


82  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st  it  was  learned  that  President 
Lerdo,  accompanied  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  and 
three  other  members  of  his  Cabinet,  had  left  the  city  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  was  also  accompanied  by  several 
Senators  and  Deputies  of  Congress,  the  Governor  of  the  Fed 
eral  District,  and  a  number  of  personal  and  political  friends, 
and  escorted  by  a  force  of  one  thousand  cavalry,  taking  the 
road  leading  to  Toluca,  the  Capital  of  the  State  of  Mexico, 
sixteen  leagues  to  the  west. 

The  garrison  of  the  Capital  remained  in  the  city  under  its 
commander.  Immediately  upon  the  departure  of  Senor 
Lerdo  the  government  of  the  city  was  assumed  by  a  person 
named  in  advance  as  provisional  governor  by  General  Diaz. 
The  municipal  police,  guards,  and  the  federal  garrison  at 
once  acknowledged  his  authority,  and  civil  affairs  went  on  as 
usual,  without  any  apparent  break  or  disturbance  in  govern 
ment.  During  the  two  and  a  half  days  in  which  the  city  was 
in  this  interregnum,  as  I  have  noted,  a  general  feeling  of  in 
security  and  apprehension  of  disorder  pervaded  commercial 
and  social  circles,  but,  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  inhabitants, 
peace  and  order  remained  undisturbed,  and  the  various 
police  duties  and  municipal  administration  of  affairs  were 
enforced  as  thoroughly  as  under  the  most  rigid  and  respon 
sible  government. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ 

NOTICE  was  sent  immediately  to  General  Diaz  of  the  aban 
donment  of  the  city  by  President  Lerdo.  He  was  then  at 
Puebla,  and  the  railroad  not  being  in  working  order  he,  with 
a  small  escort,  came  over  the  mountains  with  all  speed,  but 
did  not  make  his  entry  into  the  city  till  the  afternoon  of 
November  23,  1876,  when  he  was  received  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  people  with  hearty  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm. 
He  was  verily  the  hero  of  the  hour,  and  he  proved  the  paci 
ficator  of  the  country.  For  a  generation  to  come  Mexico  was 
destined  to  enjoy  an  unexampled  era  of  peace,  security,  and 
prosperity. 

Lerdo  had  fled,  but  a  new  source  of  trouble  was  encoun 
tered  by  General  Diaz.  Under  the  Mexican  Constitution  the 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  wras  ex-officio  Vice- 
President,  and  it  was  made  his  duty  in  case  of  a  vacancy  in 
the  Presidency  to  assume  the  duties.  A  month  before  the 
fall  of  Lerdo,  Mr.  Iglesias,  the  Chief  Justice,  left  the  Capital, 
and  from  the  city  of  Guanajuato  issued  a  proclamation 
to  the  people,  declaring  that  Lerdo's  election  as  President 
was  unconstitutional  and  void,  and  by  his  illegal  acts  he  had 
forfeited  the  office,  which  Iglesias  assumed  temporarily  until 
a  new  election  could  be  held.  A  number  of  the  interior  States 
supported  Iglesias,  and  an  army  was  being  collected  to  en 
force  his  claims.  He  refused  to  recognize  the  revolutionary 
movement  of  Diaz,  and  the  latter,  immediately  after  his 
occupation  of  the  Capital,  marched  against  him. 

But  no  further  fighting  was  necessary.  The  country  recog- 


84  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

nized  Diaz  as  the  nation's  chieftain.  Besides  his  qualities  as  a 
dashing  and  successful  general,  he  possessed  a  reputation  for 
honesty  and  sincerity  which  inspired  public  confidence,  and 
it  was  felt  not  only  that  he  had  been  unjustly  debarred  from 
the  Presidency,  but  that  under  his  rule  the  Republic  might 
enjoy  an  era  of  peace  for  which  the  substantial  interests  of 
the  country  so  greatly  longed.  The  forces  of  Iglesias  melted 
away,  nor  could  Lerdo  find  supporters  in  the  west.  Both  took 
refuge  in  the  United  States  and  left  Diaz  in  undisputed 
possession  of  power. 

Senor  Lerdo  took  up  his  residence  in  New  York  City,  from 
which  place  he  awaited  the  result  of  efforts  being  made  on  the 
Rio  Grande  frontier  by  his  Minister  of  War  and  other  ad 
herents  to  restore  him  to  power.  But  all  these  efforts  came 
to  naught,  and  he  remained  in  that  city  up  to  his  death.  He 
claimed  that  he  was  the  constitutional  President  of  the  na 
tion,  and  that  as  the  official  exponent  of  a  legitimate  gov 
ernment  he  could  not  return  to  the  country  and  resume  his 
citizenship  without  a  tacit  recognition  of  the  revolutionary 
regime  of  General  Diaz,  which  he  was  determined  never  to 
make.  He  therefore  became  a  voluntary  exile  from  his 
country,  which  he  had  served  so  long  and  with  so  much 
distinction  and  to  which  he  was  greatly  attached. 

There  was  no  interdict  against  his  return  and  no  confis 
cation  of  his  estate,  the  income  of  which  was  regularly  sent  to 
him  in  New  York.  He  lived  there  a  quiet,  almost  obscure 
life,  but  at  his  death  his  remains  were  taken  to  the  City  of 
Mexico  and  buried  with  marked  honors  in  the  National 
Cemetery,  among  the  "  Immortals."  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
culture,  an  able  lawyer,  and  one  of  the  most  useful  of  Mexico's 
public  men,  having  rendered  important  services  during  the 
War  of  the  Reform  and  the  French  Intervention.  His  great 
mistake  was  in  seeking  a  reelection  to  the  Presidency,  after 
he  had  denounced  the  practice  and  opposed  the  reelection  of 
Juarez.  My  personal  relations  with  him  in  Mexico  were  very 


PORFIRIO  DIAZ 
President  of  Mexico 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  85 

cordial,  and  the  visits  which  I  made  to  him  in  his  retirement 
in  New  York  seemed  very  grateful  to  him. 

General  Diaz,  having  received  the  adhesion  of  the  Iglesias 
army  and  of  all  the  States,  proceeded  to  establish  himself  in 
authority,  as  the  decree  announced,  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  Constitution  by  calling  for  elections  to  choose  a  Presi 
dent,  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Congress.  The 
decree,  however,  excluded  from  candidature  all  persons  who 
in  civil  or  military  grades  had  done  anything  to  recognize  the 
reelection  of  Senor  Lerdo,  who  had  participated  in  what  were 
termed  the  electoral  frauds,  or  who  had  voted  in  favor  of  the 
"extraordinary  faculties."  These  prohibitions  excluded 
from  office  more  than  three  fourths  of  the  members  of  the 
last  two  Congresses,  and  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  a  vast 
number  of  civil  and  military  officials,  among  the  most  ex 
perienced  and  able  of  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  Republic. 
The  persons  elected  were  required  to  take  an  oath  to  support 
the  Constitution  and  the  "Plan  of  Tuxtepec,"  by  which 
latter  provision  all  successful  candidates  would  have  to  recog 
nize  the  principles  and  practice  of  revolution  as  established 
by  General  Diaz.  These  conditions  were  declared  by  the 
Opposition  press  to  be  more  odious,  illiberal,  and  exclusive 
than  the  electoral  methods  of  the  Lerdo  Government. 

In  the  election  held  only  a  few  months  before,  Lerdo  had 
been  declared  to  be  chosen  President  by  a  practically  unani 
mous  vote.  As  may  be  anticipated,  none  but  the  "Porfiris- 
tas"  (the  term  applied  to  the  partisans  of  Diaz)  participated 
in  the  new  election,  Diaz  was  declared  to  be  chosen  President 
by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  nation,  and  the  members 
elected  to  the  Supreme  Court  and  to  Congress  were  all  of  his 
party,  not  a  single  Opposition  member  being  chosen  to 
Congress. 

General  Diaz  returned  to  the  Capital  from  his  expedition 
against  Iglesias  on  February  15, 1877,  and  resumed  the  exec 
utive  duties,  those  having  been  discharged  during  his  ab- 


86  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

sence  by  one  of  his  trusted  generals.  His  first  desire,  in  his 
foreign  relations,  was  to  secure  the  recognition  of  his  Govern 
ment  by  the  United  States  and  I  was  confronted  with  this 
question  immediately  after  his  return. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Claims  Treaty  of  1868,  Mexico  was  to 
make  the  first  payment  of  $300,000  to  the  United  States  on 
the  awards  of  the  Claims  Commission  on  January  31,  1877. 
When  Diaz  entered  the  Capital  on  November  23  he  found  the 
Federal  Treasury  empty,  and  his  first  act  was  to  borrow  from 
the  bankers  a  sum  sufficient  to  meet  this  payment,  on  which 
loan  he  obligated  his  Government  to  pay  twelve  per  cent 
yTnterest.  The  acceptance  of  this  payment  from  the  Diaz 
Government  would  constitute  a  recognition  of  it  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  policy  of  the  latter  was  not  to 
•  be  hasty  in  recognizing  a  revolutionary  party  established  on 
the  overthrow  of  the  constitutional  Government.  I  was 
authorized,  however,  by  Secretary  Fish  to  make  the  recog 
nition,  if  it  became  necessary  in  order  to  enable  Mexico  to 
comply  with  the  treaty  and  make  the  payment.  But  the 
Diaz  Government,  realizing  this  situation,  agreed  to  make 
the  payment  through  Senor  Mariscal,  the  Mexican  Minister 
in  Washington  accredited  by  the  Lerdo  Administration,  and 
.  through  the  accommodating  spirit  of  the  Diaz  Government 
\that  question  was  for  the  occasion  avoided. 

Still  it  was  manifest  that  Diaz  had  created  a  de  facto  gov 
ernment  which  was  recognized  throughout  the  Republic,  and 
it  was  the  only  government  with  which  I  could  hold  relations 
to  protect  American  interests.  I  therefore  determined  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  establishing  unofficial  relations 
with  it,  and  to  postpone  the  formal  and  official  recognition 
until  after  the  elections  had  been  held  and  Diaz  installed  as 
constitutional  President.  On  consultation  with  my  diplo 
matic  colleagues,  they  agreed  to  pursue  the  same  course. 
Accordingly,  without  making  any  written  communication 
on  the  subject,  I  made  a  formal  call  upon  General  Diaz  and 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  87 

each  member  of  his  Cabinet,  which  was  promptly  recipro 
cated  by  a  return  call  upon  me  at  the  Legation  by  each  of 
them ;  and,  though  I  continued  to  transact  business  with  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  my  written  communications 
wrere  always  marked  "unofficial." 

General  Diaz  was  greatly  relieved  and  gratified  at  my 
action,  and  I  at  once  entered  into  very  friendly  personal 
relations  with  him.  When  he  came  to  the  Capital  he  estab 
lished  himself  in  very  modest  and  contracted  quarters  in  a 
part  of  the  National  Palace,  or  Federal  Building,  where  I  was 
a  frequent  visitor.  He  manifested  none  of  the  boastful 
spirit  of  the  victorious  general,  but  was  modest  in  the  assump 
tion  of  civil  executive  duties,  plainly  showed  that  he  was 
walking  in  an  untried  path,  and  welcomed  counsel  and  en 
couragement  in  the  establishment  of  a  government  of  law 
and  order. 

The  elections  in  February,  1877,  having  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  Diaz  as  President,  and  of  a  new  Congress  and  Su 
preme  Court,  steps  were  at  once  taken  to  have  the  revolu 
tionary  government  assume  the  character  of  a  constitutional 
one.  After  the  new  judiciary  was  established  and  the  Con 
gress  organized.,  on  May  5  General  Diaz  was  inaugurated 
President  with  much  pomp,  and  took  the  prescribed  oath  to 
uphold  and  defend  the  Constitution. 

I  promptly  advised  the  Government  at  Washington  of  this 
event  by  telegraph,  and  solicited  its  instructions  as  to  the 
course  I  should  pursue.  As  early  as  January  I  had  advised 
my  Government  that,  upon  the  establishment  of  a  constitu 
tional  form,  the  Government  of  Diaz  should  be  officially 
recognized;  but  six  weeks  elapsed  before  the  instructions 
asked  for  were  received.  Meanwhile,  and  ever  since  the 
elections  in  February,  the  Mexican  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  manifested  much  anxiety  and  even  impatience  as  to 
the  action  of  the  United  States  respecting  recognition.  Gen 
eral  Diaz,  after  the  formal  assumption  of  power  in  February, 


88  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

had  addressed  an  autograph  letter  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  the  other  heads  of  governments  with 
which  Mexico  had  diplomatic  relations,  informing  them  of 
that  event.  To  this  letter  no  reply  had  been  received  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

To  aggravate  the  situation,  all  the  other  governments 
made  formal  recognition  through  their  Ministers  soon  after 
the  constitutional  inauguration.  The  delay  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States,  besides  being  a  great  disappointment, 
was  a  source  of  much  embarrassment  to  the  new  Administra 
tion  in  Mexico.  At  an  early  day  after  the  Diaz  Revolutionary 
Government  was  installed  in  the  Capital,  Senor  Jose*  M.  Mata, 
a  man  of  large  experience  in  public  affairs,  a  good  English 
scholar,  and  an  estimable  gentleman,  had  been  commissioned 
as  Minister  to  the  United  States ;  but  on  his  arrival  in  Wash 
ington  he  found  that  he  would  not  be  received.  This  left  the 
Minister  of  the  Lerdo  Administration  (Sr.  Mariscal)  in  charge 
of  the  Mexican  Legation  in  Washington,  and  all  the  Lerdist 
Consuls  also  in  office  throughout  the  United  States,  whilst 
Lerdo 's  partisans  were  seeking  to  set  on  foot  a  counter 
revolution  to  restore  their  leader  to  power. 

Another  event  occurred  about  this  time  which  threatened 
to  cause  an  irreparable  breach  between  the  two  countries. 
For  a  number  of  years  previous  to  this  time  the  condition  of 
affairs  on  the  land  frontier  had  been  very  unsatisfactory. 
Uncivilized  Indians  were  living  on  both  sides  of  and  not  far 
from  the  international  boundary.  Indians  made  incursions 
from  one  side  and  the  other,  and  it  was  charged  that  the  local 
authorities  were  not  vigilant  to  prevent  these  depredations. 
But  the  chief  locality  of  the  trouble  was  on  the  Rio  Grande 
frontier,  where  not  only  the  Indians  but  smugglers  and  revo 
lutionists  were  constantly  disturbing  the  peace.  The  citizens 
and  authorities  of  Texas  were  continually  sending  their  com 
plaints  to  Washington  and  clamoring  for  protection  and 
redress. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  89 

Early  in  the  Administration  of  President  Lerdo,  the  GovX 
ernment  of  the  United  States  directed  its  Minister  to  give* 
notice  to  the  Mexican  Government  that  unless  these  dis 
orders  were  suppressed,  instructions  would  be  given  to  the 
American  troops  to  follow  the  marauders  across  the  bor 
der  into  Mexico  and  punish  them.    Later,  permission  w&s* 
asked  of  the  Mexican  Government  for  this  purpose,  but  it 
was  not  granted,  the  latter  undertaking  to  make 
vigorous  effort  to  suppress  the  disorders. 

It  deplored  the  situation  and  doubtless  was  actuated  by 
a  sincere  desire  to  put  an  end  to  the  troubles,  but  there  were 
three  obstacles  which  stood  in  the  way  of  efficient  measures 
on  its  part.  First,  the  straitened  circumstances  of  the  Treas5^ 
ury  prevented  the  maintenance  of  a  large  federal  force  in 
that  distant  locality ;  second,  the  soldiers,  who  were  conscripts, 
took  advantage  of  the  nearness  of  the  frontier  to  desert; 
and,  third,  the  revolutionary  state  of  the  country  caused 
more  pressing  need  for  the  army  elsewhere.  This  situation^/ 
led  the  American  federal  forces  to  cross  the  frontier  in  hot 
pursuit  of  raiders  more  than  once  in  President  Lerdo 's  time, 
but  such  acts  were  followed  by  vigorous  protests  on  the  part 
of  Mexico. 

For  some  time  after  the  accession  of  General  Diaz,  he  was 
too  busy  with  securing  the  consolidation  of  his  Administra 
tion  to  give  much  attention  to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier,  with 
the  result  that  the  outlaws  and  smugglers  had  a  free  hand. 
Added  to  this  disorder,  General  Escabedo,  Lerdo 's  Minister 
of  War,  had  established  himself  in  Texas  near  the  border,  and 
his  adherents  were  seeking  to  organize  a  counter-revolution. 
This  brought  about  conflicts  with  the  Diaz  authorities,  who 
in  more  than  one  instance  pursued  the  revolutionists  across 
the  river  into  Texas.  In  view  of  the  turbulent  condition  of\ 
affairs,  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States  on  June  1, 
1877,  issued  an  order  to  General  Ord,  commanding  in  Texas, 
authorizing  the  federal  troops,  where  in  his  judgment  it 


90  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 


Vf 


became  necessary,  to  pursue  Mexican  marauders  across  the 
frontier  and  arrest  or  punish  them  on  Mexican  soil. 

This  order  when  published  in  Mexico  created  the  most 
{intense  excitement,  and  both  the  Opposition  and  the  Admin 
istration  newspapers  denounced  it  as  a  gross  disregard  of 
\Mexican  sovereignty  and  an  insult  to  the  whole  nation. 
General  Diaz,  under  the  impulse  of  the  popular  demand, 
caused  instructions  to  be  sent  to  the  general  in  command, 
directing  him  to  put  himself  in  communication  with  the 
American  commander  on  the  frontier  and  offer  his  coopera 
tion  for  the  suppression  of  outlawry  and  disorder,  but  should 
the  American  troops  enter  Mexican  territory  and  exercise 
i  jurisdiction,  he  should  "repel  with  force  the  insult  that  is 
sought  to  be  inflicted  on  Mexico  by  the  invasion  of  her  terri 
tory." 

The  day  before  the  order  to  the  Mexican  commander  was 
issued,  I  had  a  notable  interview  with  Senor  Vallarta,  the 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  The  instructions  which  I  had  so 
impatiently  awaited  from  the  Government  at  Washington 
respecting  the  recognition  of  the  Diaz  Government  had 
finally  reached  me  and  I  was  directed  to  communicate  them 
to  him.  They  were  disappointing  to  me,  and  I  knew  they 
would  create  a  serious  condition  of  affairs  with  Mexico.  I 
ywas  informed  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
\vould  wait  before  recognizing  General  Diaz  as  the  President 
of  Mexico  until  it  was  assured  that  his  election  was  approved 
by  the  Mexican  people,  and  that  his  Administration  possessed 
stability  to  endure  and  a  disposition  to  comply  with  the 
V^rules  of  international  comity  and  the  obligations  of  treaties. 
The  dispatch  embodying  these  instructions  contained  a  re 
view  of  the  Rio  Grande  border  troubles,  the  injuries  sus 
tained  by  American  citizens  through  unjust  exactions,  the 
imprisonment  of  a  Consul,  and  various  other  causes  of  com 
plaint,  and  stated  that  some  adjustment  of  these  matters 
should  precede  recognition,  as  the  United  States,  while  it 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  91 

sought  amity  and  cordial  relations  with  the  sister  Republic, 
preferred  to  await  some  evidence  that  its  friendship  would  be 
reciprocated. 

After  reading  the  dispatch  a  lengthy  conversation  followed. 
Senor  Vallarta  insisted  that  the  Government  of  General  Diaz 
possessed  all  the  conditions  of  recognition  required  by  in 
ternational  law  and  practice,  and  he  cited  the  recognition 
already  made  by  all  the  other  nations  with  which  Mexico 
had  diplomatic  relations.  So  far  as  concerned  the  complaints 
of  the  United  States  and  the  claims  of  its  citizens,  he  said 
their  adjustment  properly  should  follow  recognition,  espe 
cially  as  some  of  them  required  treaty  or  diplomatic  agree 
ments. 

He  then  charged  that  a  change  had  taken  place  in  the 
policy  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  with  the 
advent  of  President  Hayes ;  for  while  Mr.  Fish  was  Secretary 
of  State,  a  disposition  had  been  manifested  that,  with  the 
inauguration  of  General  Diaz  as  constitutional  President, 
he  would  be  recognized  as  such.  He  claimed  to  have  private 
advices  from  New  York  and  Washington  that  a  scheme  had 
been  concocted  to  bring  about  a  war  and  annexation  of 
Mexican  territory ;  and  that  the  order  to  General  Ord,  who 
was  an  annexationist,  was  designed  to  accomplish  this.  He 
inveighed  bitterly  against  th3  military  order  of  June  1,  de 
claring  that  it  had  disregarded  all  the  rules  of  international 
law  and  the  practices  of  civilized  nations,  and  treated  the 
Mexicans  as  savages,  as  Kaffirs  of  Africa ;  that  an  absolute 
declaration  of  war  would  have  been  more  considerate ;  and 
that  no  Government  could  stand  hi  Mexico  for  a  moment 
against  the  popular  indignation,  if  it  did  not  repel  the  in 
vasion  of  its  territory  by  force  of  arms. 

The  report  of  this  interview  and  the  documents  connected 
with  the  order  of  June  1  have  been  published,  and  I  do  not 
reproduce  here  my  answer  to  the  foregoing,  in  which  I  sought 
to  maintain  the  justice  of  the  position  of  our  Government. 


92  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

My  report  of  Seiior  Vallarta's  statements  falls  far  short  of 
conveying  a  fair  idea  of  the  intensity  of  his  feelings. 

There  is  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  his  statement  that 
there  had  been  a  change  of  policy  as  to  recognition  after  the 
inauguration  of  President  Hayes,  and  there  was  some  foun 
dation  for  his  charge  that  a  scheme  had  been  formed  to  bring 
on  a  war  through  the  Texas  troubles.  Some  months  later 
when  I  visited  Washington  I  was  informed  on  good  authority 
that  certain  gentlemen,  whose  names  were  given  me  and 
who  were  especially  interested  in  the  success  of  the  Adminis 
tration  of  President  Hayes,  had  conceived  the  idea  that,  in 
view  of  the  tension  in  the  public  mind  created  by  the  parti 
sans  of  Mr.  Tilden  and  of  the  disturbed  condition  of  affairs 
in  the  Southern  States,  it  would  divert  attention  from  pend 
ing  issues  and  tend  greatly  to  consolidate  the  new  Admin 
istration,  if  a  war  could  be  brought  on  with  Mexico  and 
another  slice  of  its  territory  added  to  the  Union. 

The  change  of  policy  as  to  recognition  of  the  Diaz  Govern 
ment  and  the  vigorous  policy  as  to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier 
indicated  in  the  order  of  June  1,  authorizing  the  crossing  into 
Mexico  of  American  troops,  may  be  explained  by  the  exist 
ence  of  such  a  scheme.  There  was  other  evidence  pointing 
in  that  direction.  In  the  same  month  of  June,  about  the  time 
of  my  interview  with  Senor  Vallarta,  two  gentlemen  arrived 
in  Mexico  bringing  letters  to  me  from  Mr.  Evarts,  Secretary 
of  State.  One  of  these  was  Senor  Vallejo,  a  resident  of  Cali 
fornia  at  the  time  of  its  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and 
then  a  Mexican  citizen  of  Spanish  descent,  at  that  time  a 
large  landowner  and  prominent  in  the  early  history  of  that 
State.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  son-in-law,  General  John 
B.  Frisbie,  an  American,  of  pleasing  address  and  energetic 
spirit,  but  of  a  visionary  temperament. 

Before  coming  to  Mexico  they  visited  Washington  and  laid 
before  Mr.  Evarts  and  others  prominent  in  Administration 
circles  their  plan,  which  was  to  put  such  pressure  upon 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  93 

Mexico  as  would  present  to  it  the  alternative  of  hostilities  or 
the  sale  of  some  of  the  northern  States  of  that  Republic.  They 
claimed  that  as  Mexico  was  hard-pushed  financially,  rather 
than  run  the  risk  of  a  war  with  the  United  States,  and  his 
overthrow  by  the  Lerdist  party,  General  Diaz  for  a  large 
sum  of  money  would  consent  to  part  with  the  territory. 
They,  with  a  knowledge  of  the  language  and  of  the  Mexican 
character,  were  to  be  the  intermediaries  through  whom  Diaz 
was  to  be  approached  and  the  terms  of  purchase  to  be  in 
formally  agreed  upon,  after  which  the  official  negotiations 
were  to  be  conducted. 

Strange  to  say,  their  scheme  was  so  far  entertained  that 
they  were  empowered  in  a  purely  unofficial  way  to  approach 
Diaz  on  the  subject.  There  never  was  the  remotest  chance 
of  success,  but  even  the  ghost  of  a  chance  was  destroyed  by 
their  own  conduct.  Too  many  persons  in  Washington  were 
in  the  secret,  Senor  Vallejo  was  a  garrulous  old  man,  and  both 
he  and  his  son-in-law  were  so  greatly  elated  with  the  im 
portance  of  their  mission  that  it  was  very  faintly  concealed. 
The  Washington  correspondents  got  into  the  secret,  and 
while  the  emissaries  were  en  route  their  plans  were  published 
to  the  world.  The  Mexican  Government  indignantly  denied 
that  it  ever  had  been  approached  or  that  it  would  for  a  mo 
ment  entertain  any  such  unpatriotic  proposal,  and  Messrs. 
Vallejo  and  Frisbie  had  nothing  left  them  on  arrival  hi 
Mexico  but  to  disavow  their  mission. 

Other  incidents  occurred  still  further  to  complicate  the 
relations  between  the  two  Governments.  Senor  Mata  grew 
restive  and  weary  under  his  position  at  Washington,  and 
asked  to  be  relieved.  Senor  Zamacona,  a  justice  of  the  Su 
preme  Court,  a  man  of  high  ability,  and  familiar  with  the 
United  States,  was  sent  to  replace  him;  but  he  shared  the 
same  fate,  and  was  unable  to  change  the  attitude  of  Secretary 
Evarts  as  to  recognition.  Senor  Mata  on  his  return  reported 
to  his  Government  and  said  to  me  that  he  had  little  hope  of  a 


94  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

peaceful  settlement  of  our  difficulties.  About  the  same  time, 
in  my  dispatches  to  the  Department  of  State,  I  stated  that 
with  the  public  and  in  official  circles  there  was  a  growing 
restiveness  and  bitterness  of  feeling  on  account  of  the  delay 
in  recognition;  that  there  was  a  wide-spread  feeling  in  the 
country  that  our  Government  was  inspired  with  its  "  mani 
fest  destiny"  sooner  or  later  to  absorb  the  whole  of  Mexico ; 
and  that  every  positive  act  on  our  part  was  interpreted 
as  a  deliberate  plan  to  provoke  a  conflict  and  acquire  terri 
tory. 

I  had  been  directed  by  Secretary  Evarts  and  empowered 
by  the  President  to  negotiate  with  Mexico  a  treaty  to  cover 
all  the  matters  of  difference,  to  regulate  the  frontier  ques 
tions,  to  adjust  the  outstanding  claims,  to  protect  American 
citizens  from  forced  loans  and  revolutionary  exactions,  and 
to  put  our  commercial  intercourse  on  a  better  footing.  In 
various  interviews  with  Senor  Vallarta  I  had  urged  these 
subjects  upon  his  attention,  and  we  had  examined  the  differ 
ent  matters  in  detail,  but  little  progress  had  been  made. 
Finally,  acting  upon  Secretary  Evarts 's  instructions  I  pressed 
for  a  treaty.  Senor  Vallarta  laid  the  matter  before  President 
Diaz,  and,  after  a  Cabinet  consultation,  he  informed  me  that 
it  had  been  determined  that  no  treaty  should  be  agreed  upon 
nor  any  of  the  pending  questions  further  considered  until 
after  his  Government  had  been  officially  recognized ;  that  this 
act  was  demanded  as  a  right  and  that  no  condition  precedent 
should  be  made ;  as  it  was  neither  respectable  nor  honorable 
to  beg  recognition. 

Being  satisfied  that  the  Government  at  Washington  mis 
apprehended  the  situation  in  Mexico  and  the  spirit  of  the 
Diaz  Government,  during  the  summer  of  1877  I  asked  leave 
to  visit  Washington  to  confer  with  the  President  and  Secre 
tary  of  State ;  but  Secretary  Evarts  did  not  think  it  best  for 
me  to  leave  my  post.  The  autumn  wore  away  into  the  winter 
without  any  clash  on  the  Rio  Grande  frontier,  but  with  no 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DIAZ  95 

further  progress  made  towards  a  relief  of  the  strained  rela 
tions  between  the  two  Governments. 

An  ineffectual  effort  had  been  put  forth  to  secure  some 
action  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  in  support  of  the 
Administration's  attitude  respecting  Mexican  affairs,  but  a 
committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  engaged  in 
making  an  investigation  of  conditions  on  the  Rio  Grande 
frontier,  with  a  member  of  the  House  from  Texas  as  chairman 
who  was  in  sympathy  with  the  attitude  of  the  Administra 
tion.  In  January,  1878,  I  was  summoned  to  appear  before 
that  committee,  and  under  the  instructions  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  I  went  to  Washington,  and  gave  my  testimony 
before  the  committee  respecting  the  situation  on  the  frontier, 
the  stability  of  the  Diaz  Government,  and  its  disposition 
towards  American  citizens  and  enterprises. 

The  President  and  Secretary  Evarts  became  satisfied  from 
my  representations  that  it  would  be  better  not  to  delay 
further  the  recognition,  and  I  carried  back  with  me  to  Mexico 
authority  to  place  myself  in  official  relations  with  the  Mexi 
can  Government.  This  I  did  by  communicating  to  the  Min 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs  a  copy  of  my  instructions  to  that  end 
on  April  11,  1878,  sixteen  months  after  General  Diaz  had 
entered  the  Capital  and  taken  possession  of  the  Government, 
and  nearly  a  year  after  he  had  been  recognized  by  the  other 
Powers.  This  period  had  been  one  of  intense  anxiety  to  the 
Diaz  Administration,  and  of  great  embarrassment  to  me 
personally,  as  it  was  my  duty  loyally  to  support  my  Govern 
ment,  and  I  could  not  intimate  to  the  Mexicans  that  the 
policy  as  to  recognition  was  contrary  to  my  recommendation 
and  advice. 

Immediately  after  the  recognition  I  was  invited  by  the 
President  to  a  banquet  given  in  my  honor  in  the  National 
Palace  to  celebrate  the  gratifying  event,  at  which  there  were 
present  the  Cabinet  and  leading  Government  officials;  and 
the  week  following  the  President  accepted  an  invitation  to 


96  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

a  dinner  at  the  Legation  attended  by  the  Cabinet,  the  Diplo 
matic  Corps,  and  other  high  officials.  The  utmost  cordiality 
prevailed  and  the  hope  was  entertained  that  the  two 
neighboring  Republics  had  entered  upon  a  new  era  of  mutual 
confidence  and  friendly  relations. 


CHAPTER  IX 

MEXICO  UNDEE  DIAZ 

UPON  receipt  by  the  Department  of  State  of  my  notification 
that  official  relations  had  been  reestablished  with  the  Mexi 
can  Government,  on  May  7  Senor  Zamacona  was  received 
by  President  Hayes  and  delivered  his  credentials,  which  he 
had  been  waiting  in  Washington  six  months  to  present.  In 
order  not  to  leave  the  Mexican  Government  without  official 
relations  pending  recognition  of  General  Diaz,  Senor  Ignacio 
Mariscal,  the  accredited  Minister  under  President  Lerdo, 
remained  at  his  post  and  discharged  his  delicate  duties  with 
impartiality.  He  had  resided  many  years  in  the  United 
States,  first  as  Secretary  and  afterwards  as  Minister. 

Senor  Mariscal  returned  to  Mexico  in  April,  1878,  and  re 
mained  in  private  life  for  a  short  time  only,  as  President 
Diaz  knew  too  well  his  ability  and  experience  to  allow  the 
country  to  be  deprived  of  his  services.  He  was  a  member 
of  the  Constituent  Congress  and  signed  the  Constitution  of 
1857  which  inaugurated  the  Reform  Movement  and  which 
still  continues  to  be  the  fundamental  law  of  Mexico.  Presi 
dent  Diaz  made  him  a  member  of  his  Cabinet  in  1879,  and  the 
following  year  he  assumed  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  which  post  he  has  continued  to  hold,  with  a  short 
interval  as  Minister  to  Great  Britain.  His  career  as  a  diplo 
matist  has  not  been  equaled  in  length  of  service  by  any  one 
of  his  generation,  and  few  public  men  of  any  country  have 
had  to  do  with  such  weighty  questions  or  discharged  their 
duties  with  such  signal  success.  He  has  remained  continu 
ously  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  Diaz  Government,  and  to 
him  is  due  a  large  share  of  the  credit  for  its  achievements. 


98  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Another  instance  of  the  discernment  of  General  Diaz  in 
availing  his  Administration  of  the  services  of  the  adherents 
of  his  former  antagonist,  Lerdo,  was  his  treatment  of  Manuel 
Romero  Rubio.  The  latter  as  a  Senator  unsparingly  de 
nounced  the  revolutionary  proceeding  of  Diaz  and  ably 
contended  for  the  maintenance  of  the  constitutional  methods 
of  government.  A  short  time  before  his  fall,  President  Lerdo 
made  him  his  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  he  accom 
panied  his  defeated  chief  into  exile,  and  remained  with  him 
for  some  time  in  New  York  awaiting  the  result  of  General 
Escobedo's  efforts  to  create  a  reaction  against  Diaz.  When 
those  efforts  failed,  Romero  Rubio 's  longing  for  his  native 
land,  the  comforts  of  his  palatial  home,  and  the  endearments 
of  his  charming  family  were  too  strong  to  be  longer  resisted, 
and  he  quietly  returned  to  Mexico  and  resumed  his  residence 
as  a  private  citizen.  He  had  a  large  circle  of  influential 
friends  and  was  one  of  the  most  forceful  politicians  in  the 
country,  and  it  was  not  a  great  while  before  President  Diaz 
offered  him  a  place  in  his  Cabinet. 

There  is  a  romance  connected  with  the  Romero  Rubio 
family,  in  which  the  American  Legation  played  an  important 
part  and  which  resulted  in  lasting  and  beneficent  influence 
upon  the  destinies  of  the  Republic.  This  was  one  of  the  first 
of  the  Mexican  families  with  whom  Mrs.  Foster  and  I  estab 
lished  intimate  social  relations,  and  our  children  were  much 
together  in  the  seven  years  of  our  residence  there.  When 
Sefior  Manuel  Romero  Rubio  fled  from  the  Capital  with 
President  Lerdo  on  that  gloomy  November  night,  in  taking 
leave  of  me  he  commended  to  my  care  his  wife  and  children, 
in  case  they  should  need  protection  from  the  anticipated 
Diaz  uprising  in  the  city.  Happily  no  such  danger  threatened 
them,  and  on  a  visit  to  their  residence  the  next  morning  I 
found  them  assured  of  safety. 

On  the  return  of  Senor  Romero  Rubio,  he,  his  wife,  and 
eldest  daughter  were  often  visitors  at  the  Legation  on  our 


MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ  99 

informal  Tuesday  night  receptions.  On  one  of  these  nights 
President  Diaz  honored  us  with  his  presence.  His  attention 
was  attracted  to  the  beautiful  and  charming  daughter  of  his 
implacable  foe,  the  former  Senator  and  Cabinet  Minister, 
and  he  asked  Mrs.  Foster  to  present  him  to  her,  which  she 
did  with  some  trepidation,  knowing  the  existing  political 
antipathy.  This  acquaintance  later  ripened  into  a  matri 
monial  engagement,  and  the  winsome  daughter  of  the 
Lerdist  chief  became  "the  first  lady"  of  the  land. 

It  proved  to  be  an  alliance  of  prime  importance  for  the 
country.  General  Diaz  was  not  without  education  and  cul 
ture,  as  he  had  passed  through  the  collegiate  school  of  his 
native  State  and  was  engaged  in  his  course  of  study  for  the 
law  when  the  American  invasion  of  1847  occurred,  which  led 
him  into  the  army.  Thenceforth  his  whole  life  was  that  of  a 
soldier,  and  he  needed  the  gentle  nature  of  a  woman  of  refine 
ment  to  soften  the  asperities  acquired  in  the  camp  and  field. 
Mrs.  Diaz  was  an  accomplished  English  and  French  scholar, 
vivacious  and  attractive  in  conversation,  and  the  President's 
residence  easily  became  the  leading  centre  of  Mexican  society. 
She  was  also  a  devout  Catholic  and  active  in  church  enter 
prises  and  charities.  As  the  head  of  the  Government,  as  well 
as  a  conspicuous  leader  in  the  Reform  Movement,  President 
Diaz  had  to  see  to  the  enforcement  of  the  rigorous  laws 
against  the  Catholic  Church ;  but  the  gentle  influence  of  Mrs. 
Diaz  made  them  appear  less  harsh  to  the  hierarchy.  With  the 
affectionate  familiarity  characteristic  of  the  Spanish  race, 
the  people  called  her  by  the  endearing  title  of  "Carmencita," 
and  she  became  the  idol  of  the  nation. 

The  friendly  feeling  and  cordiality  manifested  at  the  time 
of  the  recognition  by  the  United  States  of  the  Diaz  Govern 
ment  in  April,  1878,  was  unfortunately  of  short  duration. 
The  ground  upon  which  Secretary  Evarts  based  his  instruc 
tion  to  me  to  make  the  recognition  was  that  the  Government 
of  General  Diaz  found  itself  embarrassed  in  the  discussion  of 


100  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

pending  matters  of  difference  between  the  two  nations,  and 
placed  under  constraint  in  reaching  a  satisfactory  settlement 
of  these  matters  by  the  absence  of  recognition.  I  was  in 
structed  to  follow  up  the  recognition  by  insisting  upon  some 
permanent  measures  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  the 
punishment  of  outlawry  on  the  frontier,  the  better  protection 
of  American  citizens  and  their  interests  in  Mexico,  and  the 
settlement  of  the  various  matters  of  complaint  already 
presented. 

I  accordingly  entered  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
upon  a  consideration  of  these  matters,  and  was  encountering 
the  delays  incident  to  diplomatic  negotiations  with  a  new 
government  not  strongly  intrenched  in  power  and  with  a 
scant  treasury,  when  complications  arose  which  made  the 
negotiations  still  more  difficult.  Escobedo,  the  Lerdist  gen 
eral,  had  again  visited  Texas  and  was  engaged  in  the  effort  to 
start  another  revolution  in  the  frontier  Mexican  States.  Dis 
order  and  outlawry  were  again  rampant,  and  during  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1878  the  American  troops  several  times 
crossed  into  Mexico  in  pursuit  of  or  to  punish  marauders. 

This  threw  the  public  press  of  the  Capital  into  a  state  of 
more  or  less  frantic  excitement.  The  old  reports  were  circu 
lated  anew  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  was 
inspired  by  a  hostile  spirit,  and  was  seeking  to  bring  about 
annexation  or  a  protectorate  over  Mexico.  The  Diaz  Govern 
ment,  influenced  in  some  degree  by  the  public  clamor,  brought 
the  negotiations  to  a  standstill,  and  demanded  that  the  order 
of  June  1  authorizing  the  crossing  of  the  frontier  by  American 
troops  should  be  withdrawn. 

Sefior  Zamacona,  the  Mexican  Minister  to  the  United 
States,  ineffective  in  his  efforts  with  Secretary  Evarts,  sought, 
with  some  diplomatic  circumspection,  to  create  a  public  sen 
timent  in  the  country  favorable  to  Mexico.  His  address  be 
fore  a  commercial  convention  at  Chicago  was  interpreted  as 
an  appeal  from  the  Government  to  the  people  of  the  United 


MRS.   PORFIRIO  DIAZ 


MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ  101 

States  and  the  Diaz  official  organ  in  Mexico  City,  in  its  report 
of  the  meeting  said  that  "strong  condemnation  was  uttered 
by  distinguished  persons  against  the  annexation  intrigue, 
which  was  so  greatly  disturbing  the  serenity  of  the  relations 
between  the  two  Republics." 

Seiior  Matias  Romero,  so  long  the  able  Mexican  represent 
ative  in  Washington,  in  a  semi-official  paper  which  he  pub 
lished  at  this  crisis  stated  as  a  fact  that  "the  Government  of 
the  United  States  entertained  sentiments  of  hostility  towards 
Mexico,  and  was  looking  for  motives  or  pretexts  for  creating 
difficulties  between  the  two  nations."  Nothing  could  be  more 
significant  of  the  state  of  public  sentiment  in  the  country 
than  such  an  utterance  from  the  one  man  who  knew  best  the 
American  Government  and  people  from  long  residence  and 
friendly  feeling.  A  few  years  later  Seiior  Romero  again  be 
came  the  diplomatic  representative  in  Washington,  in  which 
post  he  continued  for  sixteen  years  up  to  the  time  of  his 
death. 

In  October,  1878,  I  reported  to  the  Department  of  State 
that  the  prevailing  belief  in  Mexico  was  that  the  situation 
would  result  in  war.  An  incident  had  occurred  the  month 
previous  in  which  I  was  an  unintentional  participant  that 
afforded  the  press  an  opportunity  to  circulate  more  alarming 
rumors.  It  is  the  custom  in  Mexico  to  celebrate  the  anniver 
sary  of  National  Independence  by  a  public  celebration  on  the 
night  of  September  15,  a  part  of  the  exercises  being  a  meeting 
usually  held  in  one  of  the  largest  theatres  of  the  Capital,  at 
which  the  President  of  the  Republic  presides,  accompanied 
by  his  Cabinet  and  other  high  officials.  On  the  occasion  an 
oration  is  delivered,  a  poem  recited,  with  patriotic  songs  and 
national  airs,  concluding  with  "El  Grito  de  Hidalgo"  for 
liberty  and  independence. 

To  the  anniversary  celebration  of  that  year  I  was  invited 
with  my  fami(p  and  suite,  and  a  prominent  box  reserved  for 
our  use.  In  view  of  the  bitterness  of  feeling  existing  in  the 


102  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

country  against  my  Government  I  feared  that  my  absence 
might  be  misconstrued,  and  I  attended  the  celebration  with 
the  Secretary  of  Legation  and  members  of  my  family.  The 
poem  proved  to  be  a  fierce  diatribe  against  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  its  attitude  on  the  questions  then 
disturbing  the  public,  read  in  a  most  excited  manner,  and  it 
did  not  fail  to  stir  up  the  audience  to  a  state  almost  of  frenzy. 
The  cry  of  " Death  to  the  Yankees"  shouted  from  every  part 
of  the  house,  mingled  with  groans  and  cat-calls,  fixed  the  at 
tention  of  the  entire  audience  upon  the  box  of  the  American 
Minister.  I  remained  impassive  in  my  seat  till  the  excitement 
subsided,  and  after  the  exercises  were  again  in  progress  I 
quietly  withdrew  with  my  family,  leaving  the  Secretary  in 
the  box. 

The  event  gave  occasion  to  various  wild  rumors  in  the 
press  and  political  circles.  One  was  that  I  had  demanded  my 
passports  and  was  preparing  to  leave  the  country,  thus 
breaking  off  diplomatic  relations ;  another,  that  I  had  ceased 
to  be  persona  grata  and  that  the  Mexican  Government  had 
asked  for  my  recall.  The  matter  was  being  so  freely  discussed 
in  the  newspapers  and  even  noticed  in  the  "  Official  Journal," 
that  I  felt  it  necessary  to  write  a  personal  note  to  the  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  stating  that  I  had  never  for  a  moment  con 
sidered  the  federal  authorities  in  any  way  responsible  for 
whatever  had  occurred  in  the  national  festival  improper  or 
discourteous  to  my  country  or  Government,  and  that  the 
demonstration  could  only  be  regarded  as  the  unpremeditated 
expression  of  a  miscellaneous  audience  in  a  time  of  popular 
excitement.  The  Minister  responded  that  my  note  had^en 
the  President  much  pleasure,  but  that  he  had  never  thought 
that  I  had  given  the  matter  any  importance,  "as  he  knew  so 
well  your  [my]  high  intelligence."  The  correspondence  was 
published  in  the  "Official  Journal,"  and  it  put  an  end  to  the 
exciting  rumors.  It  is  due  to  the  Mexican  p^p to  saY  that  ^ 
was  unanimous  in  expressing  condemnation  of  the  author  of 


MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ  103 

the  poem  and  of  the  demonstration  as  wanting  in  elementary 
courtesy  and  hospitality. 

The  same  press,  however,  was  united  in  condemning  what 
it  charged  was  the  policy  of  the  United  States  in  seeking  to 
bring  about  hostilities  with  a  view  to  annexation  or  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  protectorate.  A  few  extracts  from  one  of  the 
leading  and  most  temperate  of  the  newspapers  of  the  Capital 
will  show  the  spirit  which  animated  the  press  at  that  time. 
It  adds  to  the  interest  of  the  article  from  which  the  quota 
tions  are  made  when  I  state  that  the  writer  had  traveled 
much  in  Europe  and  America,  was  familiar  with  our  lan 
guage,  and  had  spent  several  months  in  the  United  States 
during  the  Hayes-Tilden  campaign  of  1876.  It  was  in  part 
as  follows :  — 

A  Philadelphia  paper,  with  audacity  truly  American,  has 
asserted  that  our  nation  knocks  at  the  door  of  the  United 
States,  demanding  protection  against  the  bandits  who  at  the 
present  time  despoil  it  of  its  rich  inheritance.  It  adds  that  if 
the  public  sentiment  were  consulted  by  means  of  the  ballot, 
a  verdict  in  favor  of  a  protectorate  of  the  American  Govern 
ment  would  be  unanimous. 

This  is  a  falsehood.  The  protection  of  honor  and  good 
faith  we  do  not  solicit  —  still  less  will  we  accept  the  annexa 
tion  which  is  masked  as  a  protectorate.  Whatever  may  be  our 
misfortunes,  we  resign  ourselves  to  them  at  once.  This  is  the 
sentiment  which  prevails  throughout  Mexico. 

There  are  no  allies  on  this  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  In  case 
of  war,  there  would  be  only  enemies  who  would  spring  up 
from  our  rich  soil.  The  climate  also  would  be  our  ally.  The 
national  sentiment  would,  in  addition,  fortify  itself  in  the 
antipathy  of  races,  the  difference  of  customs,  and  even  in 
religious  hatred. 

Another  campaign  like  that  of  1847  and  1848  cannot  be  re 
peated  successfully.  The  times  of  Santa  Anna  have  passed. 


104  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

The  Mexicans  have  progressed.  To-day  they  know  that  the 
American  does  not  civilize  —  he  exterminates.  It  is  then  a 
dream,  a  real  nightmare,  this  project  of  annexation.  .  .  . 

Concerning  public  safety,  in  the  United  States  it  is  as  im 
perfect  as  in  Mexico,  and  in  certain  places  it  absolutely  does 
not  exist.  Trains  are  often  thrown  from  the  track,  detained 
and  robbed  by  parties  of  bandits,  as  in  Missouri ;  the  banks 
are  assaulted  by  bands  of  armed  men,  as  in  St.  Paul.  In  New 
York  frequently  in  the  commercial  quarter  warehouses  are 
emptied  in  a  single  night  by  daring  thieves.  Not  a  day  passes 
that  ladies  are  not  robbed  in  the  streets.  The  same  happens 
to  men,  with  the  difference  that  it  is  customary  to  assault  or 
strangle  them.  Assassinations  with  knife  and  revolver  are 
the  order  of  the  day.  All  these  occurrences  occupy  columns 
daily  in  the  newspapers.  The  wrell-organized  police  of  New 
York  is  impotent  against  the  rogues,  burglars,  and  pick 
pockets. 

Concerning  the  immorality  of  administration  we  will  sim 
ply  say  that  it  has  not  a  parallel  in  any  other  nation.  The 
whiskey  frauds,  the  trial  of  Babcock,  that  of  ex-Secretary 
Belknap,  that  of  Tweed,  Mayor  of  New  York ;  and  in  foreign 
countries,  the  Fremont  bond  affair  and  the  Emma  Mine  by 
Minister  Schenck,  are  shameless  acts,  which  have  overthrown 
the  good  credit  of  the  United  States.  .  .  . 

Here  neither  property  nor  the  individual  is  guaranteed; 
neither  are  they  in  the  United  States.  We  had  a  corrupt  and 
immoral  administration ;  the  people  overthrew  it,  and  at  the 
present  time  are  attempting  their  regeneration.  The  inter 
vention  of  force  in  the  elections  disannuls  the  public  vote, 
corrupts  the  institutions,  and  provokes  civil  war  among  the 
Mexicans.  Official  pressure,  money  lavished  by  handfuls 
upon  electors,  and  the  intervention  of  force  also  provoke 
deplorable  disorders  among  the  Americans. 

We  are  far  from  excusing  faults  which  we  denounce  daily 
before  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion,  endeavoring  to  correct 


MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ  105 

them;  but  when  our  elders  in  experience,  our  superiors  in 
constitutional  practice  and  in  the  administrative  service  can 
not  avoid  them,  can  we  correct  ours  instantaneously?  How 
can  they  give  us  their  protection,  when  they  need  regenerat 
ing  themselves? 

The  want  of  agreement  between  the  Governments  of  the 
United  States  and  of  Mexico  and  a  certain  tension  in  their  re 
lations  continued  through  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1878-9. 
The  Administration  at  Washington  declined  to  recall  the 
order  of  June  1,  but  with  the  better  guarding  of  the  frontier 
by  Mexico,  the  crossing  of  American  troops  ceased,  and 
happily  no  conflict  occurred  between  the  federal  forces  of  the 
two  Governments,  and  that  only  could  lead  to  hostilities. 

With  the  passage  of  time  without  any  successful  counter 
revolution,  President  Diaz  was  enabled  more  and  more  to 
strengthen  his  hold  upon  power  and  improve  his  Administra 
tion.  The  customs  and  excise  were  more  honestly  accounted 
for  and  the  financial  credit  of  the  Government  improved. 
This  fact  and  the  general  prevalence  of  order  gave  the  Pre 
sident  greater  ability  to  meet  the  expectations  of  the  Wash 
ington  Administration,  gradually  a  better  state  of  relations 
resulted,  the  order  for  crossing  of  American  troops  was  with 
drawn,  and  the  differences  assumed  a  more  satisfactory  dip 
lomatic  footing.  Before  Diaz's  first  four-years'  term  expired 
the  relations  between  the  two  Governments  had  become  quite 
cordial. 

We  have  seen  that  in  organizing  his  revolution  against 
Juarez  and  later  against  Lerdo,  General  Diaz  made  "no 
reelection"  his  battle-cry.  In  establishing  his  Government 
after  the  expulsion  of  Lerdo  from  the  country,  he  submitted 
to  the  States  of  the  Republic  an  amendment  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  prohibiting  the  reelection  of  the  President  of 
the  Republic  or  the  Governors  of  the  States  for  the  next 
succeeding  term.  This  amendment  was  unanimously  ap- 


106  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

proved  by  the  States  and  the  Federal  Congress,  and  duly 
proclaimed  by  President  Diaz  in  1878. 

True  to  his  professions,  General  Diaz  retired  from  office  at 
the  expiration  of  his  first  four-years'  term  in  1880,  and  one  of 
his  favorite  lieutenants  was  chosen  as  his  successor ;  but  the 
Administration  of  the  latter  proved  so  inefficient  and  corrupt 
that  there  was  a  universal  demand  from  the  country  that 
Diaz  should  again  resume  the  Presidency,  which  he  did.  This 
he  could  do  without  inconsistency,  as  a  four-years'  term  had 
intervened  since  he  had  left  the  position.  But  during  his  sec 
ond  term,  under  his  wise  and  successful  management  of  af 
fairs  the  country  was  so  peaceful  and  prosperous  that  there 
arose  again  a  universal  demand  that  he  should  continue  in 
office.  This  could  only  be  done  constitutionally  by  a  repeal 
of  the  amendment  adopted  in  1878,  and  the  States  with  alac 
rity  took  the  necessary  action.  Under  such  conditions  Gen 
eral  Diaz  will  have  remained  at  the  end  of  his  present  term 
continuously  in  the  Presidency  for  twenty-six  years. 

During  those  years  the  country  has  enjoyed  unparalleled 
prosperity,  and  it  was  natural  that  the  inhabitants  who  had 
been  so  greatly  benefited  by  his  administration  should  wish 
to  continue  him  in  power.  But  I  regard  it  as  mistaken  states 
manship  to  have  so  long  yielded  to  their  desire.  In  reviewing 
the  history  of  Mexico  and  the  other  independent  Spanish- 
American  States  we  have  seen  that  the  chief  cause  of  their 
frequent  revolutions  has  been  the  effort  to  change  their 
presidents.  The  transfer  of  the  administration  by  the  peace 
ful  and  constitutional  methods  has  proved  in  many  instances 
a  failure.  This  has  been  the  case  particularly  in  Mexico. 

It  would  have  been  a  wise  and  patriotic  act  for  General 
Diaz  to  have  retired  from  the  Presidency  at  the  end  of  his 
second  term,  leaving  the  prohibitive  clause  of  the  Constitu 
tion  in  force.  He  would  then  have  been  in  a  position  to  guar 
antee  a  peaceful  election  of  a  successor  and  a  continuance  of 
the  good  order  and  prosperity  which  he  had  established.  The 


MEXICO  UNDER  DIAZ  107 

people  also  might  have  had  an  opportunity  to  test  their  abil 
ity  to  conduct  a  government  by  means  of  a  free  and  untram- 
meled  exercise  of  the  electoral  franchise,  a  condition  as  yet 
unknown  in  Mexico.  The  benevolent  autocracy  under  his 
administration  has  resulted  in  great  prosperity  for  the  coun 
try,  but  it  has  done  little  to  educate  the  masses  of  the  people 
in  their  duties  under  a  republican  government. 

The  biographer  of  Pericles,  the  greatest  of  the  republican 
rulers  of  Athens,  in  describing  the  disorders  which  followed 
his  death,  makes  these  comments:  "In  his  determination  to 
be  the  foremost  man  in  the  city,  he  left  no  room  for  a  second. 
.  .  .  Under  his  shadow  no  fresh  shoots  sprang.  He  taught 
the  people  to  follow  him  as  leader,  and  left  no  one  behind  to 
lead  them ;  he  destroyed  their  independence  —  or  at  least 
the  mutual  play  of  opposite  forces  —  and  when  he  died  came 
'the  deluge.'  There  was  no  one  who  could  succeed  him.  A 
democracy  without  great  men  is  a  dangerous  democracy." 

Let  us  hope  this  will  not  be  the  experience  of  Mexico  fol 
lowing  the  death  of  President  Diaz. 


CHAPTER  X 

COMMERCE   AND   RAILROADS 

DURING  my  Mexican  mission  I  devoted  much  time  and 
thought  to  the  improvement  of  the  commercial  relations  be 
tween  the  two  countries.  At  that  time  the  foreign  trade  of 
Mexico  was  small  and  was  chiefly  with  Europe.  The  small- 
ness  of  the  trade  with  the  United  States  was  due  mainly  to 
two  causes, — first,  the  want  of  communication,  and,  second, 
the  revolutionary  character  of  the  country.  With  the  ap 
proval  of  our  Government,  I  sought  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of 
commercial  reciprocity,  but  I  soon  found  it  impracticable. 
To  establish  commercial  reciprocity  the  means  of  communi 
cation  should  be  cheap  and  frequent.  At  first  the  only  reg 
ular  communication  was  by  a  steamer  from  New  York  once  in 
three  weeks,  and  later  a  steamer  twice  a  month  from  New 
Orleans.  A  small  subsidy  was  granted  this  line  by  Mexico, 
but  no  aid  was  given  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  It  will  be  seen  in  my  notice  of  railroad  legislation  at 
that  period  that  intercourse  by  that  method  was  not  greatly 
favored  in  Mexico. 

The  revolutionary  character  of  the  country,  the  changes  of 
customs  officials  at  the  ports,  and  the  irregular  and  oppress 
ive  acts  of  those  officials  greatly  obstructed  free  commerce 
by  sea.  A  large  part  of  my  time  was  taken  up  with  laying 
before  the  Mexican  Government  the  complaints  of  American 
merchants  and  vessels,  and  those  of  other  nations  whose 
interests  were  under  my  care,  for  onerous  exactions  and 
injustice  at  the  custom-houses.  Besides,  the  constant  dis 
orders  and  insecurity  in  the  country  prevented  the  free  devel 
opment  of  its  resources  and  tended  to  restrain  commerce. 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  109 

While  I  was  Minister  two  commercial  delegations  visited 
the  City  of  Mexico.  The  first  of  these  came  from  New  Orleans 
in  commemoration  of  the  establishment  of  the  steamship  line 
between  that  city  and  Vera  Cruz.  Their  visit  was  on  invita 
tion  of  the  "Lonja  Mercantil "  of  the  Capital ;  they  received 
marked  attention  and  hospitality  from  the  mercantile  organ 
izations  and  prominent  private  citizens;  and  they  were 
entertained  with  a  dinner  in  the  National  Palace  by  the 
President,  at  which  time  he  expressed  the  deep  interest  he 
felt  in  the  development  and  enlargement  of  the  commercial 
relations  of  the  two  countries.  But  their  visit  did  not  ma 
terially  increase  the  trade. 

In  January,  1879,  an  excursion  party,  organized  in  Chicago 
with  the  avowed  object  of  promoting  more  intimate  com 
mercial  intercourse,  visited  the  Capital.  It  was  made  up 
largely  of  tourists,  but  contained  a  number  of  representatives 
of  manufacturing  and  commercial  houses.  The  Government 
furnished  them  a  suitable  building  in  which  to  exhibit  sam 
ples  of  their  products  and  merchandise,  and  they  were  enter 
tained  with  excursions,  dinners,  a  ball,  and  other  civilities. 
But  this  visit  also  had  little  influence  upon  the  existing  trade 
conditions. 

It  is  fitting  to  note,  in  this  connection,  the  history  of  the 
railroad  communication  between  the  two  countries,  as  its 
establishment  has  greatly  influenced  the  improved  and  en 
larged  commercial  relations.  Communication  between  the 
two  Re  publics  by  an  improved  land  route,  which  would  afford 
free  intercourse  and  trade,  had  always  been  a  favorite  meas 
ure  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  In  the  instruc 
tions  which  accompanied  the  appointment  in  1825  of  our 
first  Minister  to  Mexico,  Mr.  Poinsett,  which  were  written  by 
the  then  Secretary  of  State,  Henry  Clay,  our  representative 
was  particularly  instructed  to  exert  himself  to  secure  the 
cooperation  of  the  Mexican  Government  in  the  construction 
of  a  projected  road  to  connect  the  two  nations,  from  St. 


110  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Louis  through  the  Indian  Country,  via  Santa  Fe ;  and  similar 
instructions  were  given  by  the  succeeding  Secretary  of  State, 
Martin  Van  Buren. 

Nothing  came  of  these  projects  for  many  years,  mainly 
owing  to  the  revolutionary  conditions  in  Mexico.  On  my 
arrival  in  the  country  the  only  railroad  in  operation,  as  al 
ready  noticed,  was  that  from  the  seaport  of  Vera  Cruz  to  the 
City  of  Mexico,  and  it  had  required  about  twenty  years  for 
its  construction,  because  of  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country 
and  the  poverty  of  its  treasury.  The  first  serious  step  taken 
towards  railroad  communication  with  the  United  States  was 
in  1874  in  the  celebration  of  a  contract  by  the  Lerdo  Admin 
istration  with  Mr.  E.  L.  Plumb,  representing  the  Texas 
railroad  system  and  New  York  capitalists.  The  approval  of 
this  contract  was  bitterly  opposed  in  Congress,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  unsafe  to  intrust  railroad  construction  in  the  Re 
public  to  an  American  company,  and  that  it  was  dangerous 
to  its  interests  to  have  the  railroad  system  of  the  United 
States  extended  into  Mexican  territory,  as  it  would  be  used 
to  facilitate  another  invasion  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Plumb  had  not  succeeded  in  securing  the  approval  of 
his  contract  by  the  Congress  and  perfecting  its  terms  when 
the  Diaz  revolution  occurred,  a  part  of  the  announced  plan 
of  which  was  the  nullification  of  various  of  the  contracts 
made  by  the  Lerdo  Administration.  Mr.  Plumb  thereupon 
withdrew  from  the  country,  and  the  capitalists  represented 
by  him  made  no  further  efforts  to  secure  a  concession. 

In  1877  a  contract  was  made  by  the  Diaz  Government  with 
a  company  represented  by  General  W.  J.  Palmer  for  a  system 
of  railroads  to  connect  the  City  of  Mexico  with  the  United 
States  and  with  the  Pacific  Coast.  This  contract  met  with 
strong  opposition  in  the  Congress  based  upon  much  the  same 
ground  as  that  taken  in  resisting  the  Plumb  contract.  The 
leading  opponent  was  Hon.  Alfredo  Chavero,  a  prominent 
public  man,  a  supporter  of  the  Diaz  Administration,  and 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  111 

Speaker  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  He  contended  that  "it 
is  very  poor  policy,  very  injudicious  to  establish  within  our 
country  a  powerful  American  company;  ...  we  should 
always  fear  the  United  States";  and  he  said  the  contract 
should  be  rejected  because  it  was  "a  danger  for  the  independ 
ence  and  the  future  of  the  country."  The  climax  of  his  argu 
ment  was  the  following  metaphor:  "Go  and  propose  to  the 
lion  of  the  desert  to  exchange  his  cave  of  rocks  for  a  golden 
cage,  and  the  lion  of  the  desert  will  reply  to  you  with  a  roar 
of  liberty." 

It  is  due  to  Senor  Chavero  and  his  associates  of  the  Con 
gress  which  refused  to  approve  the  contract  to  say  that  their 
action  was  taken  at  the  time  which  I  have  described,  when 
the  country  was  in  a  frenzy  of  excitement  over  the  Rio 
Grande  troubles  and  the  supposed  hostile  attitude  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  He  lived  to  make  frequent 
visits  over  the  railroads  to  the  United  States,  with  whose 
people  and  authorities  he  established  a  most  cordial  friend 
ship.  With  the  restoration  of  amicable  relations  and  good 
will  between  the  two  Governments,  the  opposition  to 
international  railroad  communication  ceased,  and  in  1880 
contracts  were  made  with  American  companies  which 
have  resulted  in  the  present  system  of  lines  between  the  two 
Republics. 

These  lines  have  contributed  greatly  towards  the  solution 
of  the  commercial  questions.  Since  their  construction  two 
unsuccessful  efforts  have  been  made  to  negotiate  reciprocity 
treaties.  In  1883  General  Grant  and  Mr.  Trescot,  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States,  and  Minister  Romero,  for  Mexico, 
negotiated  such  a  treaty,  which  was  ratified  by  the  Senate 
and  proclaimed  by  the  President ;  but  owing  to  the  opposi 
tion  of  specially  protected  interests  in  our  country,  it  was 
never  possible  to  secure  the  legislation  of  Congress  to  put 
it  into  operation.  In  1891  I  was  empowered  by  President 
Harrison  to  negotiate  a  reciprocity  arrangement  with  Mexico 


112  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

under  the  McKinley  Tariff  of  1890,  but  the  same  interests 
which  defeated  the  Grant-Romero  Treaty  stood  in  the  way 
of  any  satisfactory  agreement.  The  establishment  and  mul 
tiplication  of  international  railroad  communications  has 
largely  supplanted  the  need  of  reciprocity  treaties,  as  they 
more  than  any  other  one  influence  have  revolutionized  the 
commercial  conditions  and  given  to  the  United  States  its 
present  great  predominance  in  the  trade  of  Mexico,  which 
both  in  exports  and  imports  is  larger  than  that  of  all  other 
countries  combined,  and  many  times  greater  than  that  of 
the  next  leading  foreign  country. 

Diplomatic  questions  were  not  the  only  ones  which  occu 
pied  my  attention  during  my  residence  in  Mexico,  and  I 
found  the  leisure  and  opportunity  to  study  other  subjects  of 
more  or  less  public  importance.  I  took  a  special  interest  in 
the  cultivation  of  coffee,  to  which  a  large  area  of  the  country 
is  well  adapted,  and  I  sought  to  learn  why  it  had  not  assumed 
greater  proportions  as  an  article  of  export.  I  visited  Vera 
Cruz,  Michoacan,  and  Colima,  the  States  where  it  is  most 
grown,  in  pursuit  of  my  inquiries,  and  I  sent  a  report  of  my 
investigation  to  my  Government,  which  was  published  in  the 
reports  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  as  a  Congres 
sional  Document,  reproduced  by  the  press,  and  translated 
and  published  with  favorable  comments  in  Mexico. 

I  also  made  a  report  upon  wheat  cultivation.  The  staple 
product  for  the  bread  of  the  country  is  Indian  corn  or  maize, 
which  is  grown  in  all  parts  of  the  Republic,  but  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  tablelands  is  adapted  to  the  cultivation  of 
wheat.  Agriculture  there  in  my  day  was  followed  after  the 
most  primitive  methods  and  with  rudimentary  implements. 
Some  of  the  more  enterprising  hacendados  (planters)  were 
seeking  to  increase  the  acreage  of  wheat  cultivation  and  to 
introduce  American  machinery  and  implements.  I  visited 
some  of  the  haciendas,  and  made  a  report  on  the  subject, 
which  attracted  considerable  attention  in  the  United  States. 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  113 

It  may  be  remarked  in  passing  that  the  railroad  system 
has  been  a  real  blessing  from  an  agricultural  standpoint.  The 
great  mesa,  or  tableland,  is  dependent  for  its  supply  of  food 
products  on  the  annual  rainfall.  Since  the  Spanish  Conquest 
there  have  been  repeated  famines,  in  which  tens  of  thousands 
of  people  have  perished.  At  other  times  there  were  product 
ive  years  of  such  superabundance  that  the  food  products 
could  not  be  sold  and  the  hacendados  were  nearly  ruined. 
There  are  no  navigable  rivers  in  Mexico  and  the  mountainous 
character  of  the  country  made  transportation  difficult  and 
costly.  Hence  there  was  often  abundance  in  one  section  and 
famine  in  another.  The  railroads  have  been  a  great  relief  in 
these  respects  and  have  made  famines  impossible. 

Among  my  other  studies,  I  was  called  upon  by  the  Ameri 
can  Social  Science  Association  for  a  report  on  the  judiciary 
and  bar  of  Mexico.  Its  judicial,  like  its  political,  system  is 
very  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States.  The  members  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  however,  are  elected  by  popular  vote, 
for  a  period  of  six  years.  The  President  of  the  Supreme  Court 
was  made  by  the  Constitution  ex-officio  Vice-President  of  the 
nation,  but  the  experience  of  General  Diaz  with  Senor  Igle- 
sias  in  1876,  which  I  have  related  in  my  account  of  his  revo 
lution,  led  to  a  change  in  this  respect.  The  subordinate  Fed 
eral  judges  are  appointed  by  the  President.  There  is,  as  in 
the  United  States,  only  one  class  of  lawyers.  The  bar  of  the 
Capital  are  all  educated  men ;  after  their  collegiate  studies, 
they  are  required  to  pursue  a  six-years'  course  in  the  National 
School  of  Law  before  they  enter  upon  the  practice ;  and  a 
similar  course  is  followed  hi  the  States.  The  Supreme  Court 
commands  high  respect  throughout  the  country.  With  its 
members  and  with  the  bar  of  the  Capital  I  had  much  social 
intercourse,  and  I  found  them  relatively  of  as  high  character 
as  the  profession  in  the  United  States. 

I  made  a  thorough  study  of  the  Mexican  foreign  debt, 
which  seemed  to  be  at  that  time  in  hopeless  confusion,  and 


114  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

I  sent  two  lengthy  reports  to  Washington  on  the  subject, 
which  were  published.  The  chief  indebtedness  had  been  con 
tracted  in  London  as  early  as  1823,  to  which  there  had  been 
added  from  time  to  time  various  kinds  of  indebtedness  in 
France,  Spain,  and  the  United  States.  The  history  of  these 
foreign  debts  was  one  of  brief  intervals  of  interest  payments, 
brought  about  by  spasmodic  efforts  to  reestablish  its  lost 
credit  or  by  the  constraint  of  some  foreign  Power,  and  suc 
ceeding  these  intervals  long  periods  of  suspended  payments 
and  wrangles  with  the  creditors,  resulting  in  new  arrangements 
and  funding  of  accumulated  interest,  and  these  new  arrange 
ments  soon  followed  by  new  suspensions  of  interest  pay 
ments.  Most  of  these  suspensions  and  failures  are  directly 
traceable  to  the  disorders  and  bankruptcy  of  the  Treasury 
occasioned  by  repeated  revolutions,  rather  than  to  the  de 
liberate  bad  faith  of  the  Government.  It  was  the  public 
indebtedness  which  afforded  the  pretext  for  the  tripartite 
intervention  of  1861  leading  to  the  Maximilian  Empire. 

When  Diaz  assumed  control  of  affairs,  the  financial  situ 
ation  of  the  country  could  hardly  have  been  more  desperate. 
No  interest  on  its  public  debt  had  been  paid  for  many  years. 
Its  bonds  had  no  value  at  home  or  abroad,  and  were  not 
quoted  in  the  money-market  of  a  single  city  of  the  world. 
But  the  financial  improvement  which  Diaz  inaugurated  soon 
began  to  create  confidence  among  foreign  capitalists,  and  the 
rapidly  growing  revenues  finally  enabled  Senor  Limantour, 
the  able  Secretary  of  Finance,  to  reestablish  the  Government 
credit.  The  foreign  indebtedness  of  every  character,  whose 
legitimacy  could  be  shown,  was  funded,  first  into  gold  bonds 
at  six  per  cent,  afterwards  at  five  per  cent,  and  later  at  four 
per  cent,  until  the  credit  of  Mexico  became  equal  to  that  of 
some  of  the  first  Powers  of  Europe  and  much  above  that 
of  any  other  of  the  Latin- American  Republics. 

My  action  on  subjects  of  an  unofficial  character,  which  at 
tracted  most  attention  both  in  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  115 

was  a  letter  which  I  addressed  to  the  president  of  a  manu 
facturers'  association  of  Chicago.  It  was  before  this  body 
that  Minister  Zamacona  delivered  the  address  to  which  I 
have  referred,  and  which  was  understood  to  be  an  appeal  to 
the  American  people  from  the  policy  then  being  pursued  by 
our  Government.  I  had  been  invited  to  give  them  any  views 
I  might  have  gained  during  my  residence  in  Mexico  respect 
ing  the  development  of  commercial  relations  between  the  two 
countries.  In  the  letter  I  discussed  especially  the  impediments 
to  such  freer  relations,  which  I  found  in  the  revolutionary 
character  of  the  country,  the  want  of  protection  to  American 
citizens  and  capital,  and  the  opposition  manifested  to  railroad 
connection  with  the  United  States. 

My  letter  was  sent  to  the  Department  of  State,  with  re 
quest  that,  if  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  it  be  for 
warded  to  the  association,  which  was  done.  It  was  published 
in  full  in  the  Chicago  papers,  was  reproduced  in  the  annual 
volume  of  diplomatic  correspondence,  and  by  resolution  of 
Congress  it  was  printed  as  a  public  document.  It  thus  had 
a  wide  circulation  in  the  United  States  and  was  commended 
or  criticised  according  to  the  views  entertained  as  to  the 
Mexican  policy  of  our  Government. 

It  reached  Mexico  at  a  time  when  the  political  excitement 
against  the  United  States  was  at  its  height,  and  the  criticism 
of  the  press  was  almost  universally  unfavorable.  So  much 
importance  was  attached  to  it  by  the  Government  that  Sefior 
Matias  Romero  was  employed  to  write  a  refutation,  sections 
of  which  appeared  daily  for  several  weeks  in  the  "Official 
Journal,"  and  it  was  printed  in  book-form,  filling  three  hun 
dred  and  fifty  double-column  full  folio  pages.  It  was  an  able 
document,  abounding  in  valuable  statistics,  but  lost  much 
of  its  usefulness  for  the  purpose  of  its  compilation  by  its 
prolixity.  Sefior  Romero's  indefatigable  industry  and  min 
uteness  in  details  is  illustrated  by  a  remark  made  to  me  by 
Sefior  Mariscal,  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  one  of 


116  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

my  visits  in  later  years  to  Mexico.  The  Government  was 
having  a  Legation  building  erected  in  Washington,  and  he 
asked  me  how  the  building  was  progressing,  remarking  that 
he  hoped  it  was  near  completion,  as  the  volumes  and  tons  of 
dispatches  Senor  Romero  was  sending  him  respecting  it  were 
sufficient  to  construct  the  building  with  the  paper  used ! 

In  spite  of  all  our  prognostications  as  to  commercial  mat 
ters,  based  upon  the  past  and  then  existing  conditions,  Presi 
dent  Diaz  was  able,  through  his  successful  administration  of 
affairs,  to  accomplish  that  which  at  that  time  seemed  hope 
less.  He  gave  the  country  a  long  era  of  peace  and  order.  He 
forced  Congress  to  grant  liberal  concessions  for  railroads 
connecting  with  the  United  States.  He  established  protection 
and  security  to  life  and  property.  He  restored  public  con 
fidence.  He  brought  about  a  great  development  of  the  re 
sources  of  the  country.  Under  his  regime,  commerce,  internal 
and  foreign,  flourished  beyond  the  dream  of  the  most  hopeful. 

Various  other  duties  and  experiences  in  addition  to  those 
herein  related  are  a  part  of  a  diplomat's  life.  Marriages  were 
occasionally  celebrated  in  our  Legation  in  Mexico.  It  adds 
nothing  to  the  legality  or  binding  force  of  the  union  to  have 
the  ceremony  performed  in  a  Legation.  It  is  just  as  valid  if 
it  takes  place  in  a  residence  or  hotel,  but  in  the  minds  of 
enchanted  lovers  it  gives  to  the  act  an  air  of  romance  and 
patriotism.  One  of  the  most  noted  of  these  during  my  in 
cumbency  was  the  marriage  of  the  son  of  Charles  Kingsley, 
the  well-known  divine  and  author,  who  came  to  Mexico  in 
quest  of  adventure  and  a  fortune,  and  met  his  fate  in  the  per 
son  of  an  attractive  and  accomplished  young  American  woman 
temporarily  residing  in  the  Capital.  The  event  brought  to 
gether  around  the  Legation  table  a  large  company  of  the 
American  and  British  colonies  to  witness  the  ceremony  and 
drink  to  the  health  and  blessing  of  the  happy  pair. 

The  private  claims  and  demands  of  American  citizens  for 
the  services  or  aid  of  their  country's  representative  is  more 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  117 

or  less  frequent  in  all  our  embassies  and  legations  abroad, 
but  in  few  of  them  are  the  calls  more  numerous  than  in  Mex 
ico.  I  made  it  a  rule  to  answer  all  letters  and  give  attention 
to  all  such  calls  so  far  as  I  could  do  so  consistently  with  my 
official  duties.  In  order  to  give  some  idea  of  the  peculiar  and 
strange  nature  which  sometimes  characterizes  these  calls  I 
give  a  textual  copy  of  a  letter  received  by  me,  as  follows :  — 

DENVER  COLORADO,  Aug.  llth  78. 
John  W.  Foster 

U  S  Minister 
Dear  Sir 

I  have  Some  thing  to  tell  you  which  May  interest 
you  Some  as  there  is  quite  a  Sum  of  Money  in  it  or  at  least  I 
think  there  is  My  reason  for  thinking  so  are  this  in  1849 
there  was  two  Soldiers  of  our  Army  then  in  Old  Mexico  that 
got  hold  of  about  $65,000  in  order  to  keep  it  they  Buryed  it 
the  next  morning  after  So  their  Regiment  was  ordered  to 
Very  Cruz  there  they  took  the  Steamer  for  New  Orleans  on 
Board  the  Steamer  one  of  the  parties  died  the  other  was  taken 
North  to  Indiana  there  mustered  out  and  as  he  lived  in  that 
State  he  thought  he  would  go  home  before  he  went  Back 
after  his  money  when  he  got  home  he  found  his  wife  Sick 
She  lingered  a  long  Some  time  and  finally  died  leaving  him 
with  a  little  family  on  his  hands  with  not  Much  to  do  with  he 
could  not  leave  very  well  then  to  go  after  this  so  he  kept  put 
ting  it  off  until  finaly  our  last  war  Broke  out  he  thin  enlisted 
with  the  Calculation  of  getting  South  thin  going  for  his  pile 
but  before  he  could  well  do  as  he  expected  he  was  taken  sick 
and  died  I  waited  on  him  a  good  deal  during  his  Sickness  and 
just  before  he  died  he  told  Me  all  about  this  giving  me  the  ex 
act  locality  of  the  Money  and  telling  me  to  go  and  get  it  as  he 
Never  would  want  it  well  when  our  war  closed  the  troubles 
commenced  then  between  the  French  and  Mexicans  So  I 
thought  I  would  wait  for  More  Settled  times  I  have  kept 


118  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

putting  it  off  for  one  reason  and  another  until  Now  and  Now 
I  have  not  the  Money  to  go  with  so  I  send  you  the  Exact 
locality  of  where  it  is  as  he  gave  it  to  me  trusting  that  if  you 
get  it  you  will  be  honerable  enough  to  divide  with  Me 
hoping  that  I  May  hear  from  you  Soon  as  convenient 
I  am  with  Respect 

Yours  &c 


p.  s.     the  Money  is  in  Gold  mostly 
the 


9 

H  <3 


\\    "* 
*  \ 

\ 

this  the  Exact  location  as  he  gave  it  to  me  it  will  do  no  harm 
to  see  if  it  is  as  he  said  the  Money  will  belong  to  who  ever 
finds  it  as  there  is  no  one  Now  that  knows  who  it  Belonged  to 
before  it  was  Buried  Now  I  trust  to  your  honor  to  deal  on 
the  squaire  with  me  

Although  this  alleged  buried  treasure,  if  it  existed,  must 
have  been  the  loot  of  American  soldiers,  I  decided  to  ascer 
tain  if  it  could  be  located.  To  this  end  I  sent  the  letter  to  a 
reputable  American  citizen  living  at  Jalapa,  which  was  evi 
dently  the  locality  intended  to  be  described.  In  due  time  he 
reported  to  me  that  he  had  made  an  effort  to  find  the  place 
indicated  in  the  letter,  but  that  it  was  impossible  to  do  so, 
as  with  the  long  lapse  of  time  the  ancient  landmarks  had  all 
been  changed.  I  so  advised  the  writer  of  the  letter. 


COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS  119 

The  American  Consuls  in  Mexico  were  as  a  rule  a  creditable 
body  of  men,  attentive  to  their  duties  and  patriotic  repre 
sentatives  of  their  country.  During  my  seven  years'  resi 
dence  I  only  once  had  occasion  to  recommend  to  the  Depart 
ment  a  change.  The  chief  consular  post  in  those  days  was  the 
port  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  it  was  rilled  by  Dr.  S.  T.  Trowbridge, 
who  had  an  honorable  record  of  service  in  the  Civil  War  and 
was  an  estimable  gentleman.  He  had  an  interesting  family 
of  six  children,  one  son  and  five  daughters.  They  were  all 
musically  inclined,  each  one  of  them  playing  some  instru 
ment,  and  the  Consulate  was  thus  a  merry  meeting-place  for 
Americans. 

Dr.  Trowbridge,  for  the  diversion  of  his  children,  purchased 
a  private  printing-press  and  its  equipment  of  type,  etc. 
They  issued  at  odd  times  a  paper  called  " Leisure  Hours." 
He  wrote  a  sketch  of  his  life,  which  was  all  set  up,  printed, 
and  bound  in  his  house  by  his  daughters,  and  made  quite  a 
respectable  volume.  He  claimed  that  such  work  was  a  good 
education  for  his  girls  in  a  locality  where  there  were  no  Eng 
lish  schools. 

The  leading  industry  of  Mexico  has  been  for  centuries  and 
still  continues  to  be  silver-mining.  From  it  the  great  fortunes 
of  the  country  were  accumulated.  In  my  time  it  was  even 
more  than  to-day  the  absorbing  interest  of  the  country. 
Almost  everybody  made  investments  or  ventures  in  mines. 
My  diplomatic  colleagues  without  exception  dabbled  in  these 
stocks,  and  mining  was  a  favorite  topic  of  conversation  in  our 
circle.  I  felt  it  my  duty,  however,  to  abstain  absolutely  from 
having  any  pecuniary  interest  in  the  business.  There  were  a 
considerable  number  of  Americans  engaged  in  different  parts 
of  the  country  in  mining,  and  they  were  frequently  making 
complaints  to  me  of  their  treatment  by  the  officials  and  sub 
mitting  to  me  questions  as  to  their  property  rights.  I  was  in 
a  much  better  position  to  aid  them  when  it  was  known  that 
I  had  no  pecuniary  interest  whatever  in  the  industry.  It  is  a 


120  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

safe  rule  for  a  diplomatic  representative  to  have  no  interests 
of  any  business  character  whatever  in  the  country  of  his 
residence,  and  to  avoid  personal  complications  in  the  claims 
of  his  fellow  countrymen. 

The  wisdom  of  such  a  course  for  a  diplomat  had  a  striking 
illustration  in  those  days  in  the  case  of  General  Schenck,  the 
American  Minister  in  London,  who  allowed  the  use  of  his 
name  for  the  prospectus  of  the  "Emma"  mine,  an  American 
project,  in  which  many  Englishmen  invested,  partly  on  the 
strength  of  General  Schenck's  name.  The  mine  proved  a  dis 
graceful  failure.  Schenck  was  a  man  of  incorruptible  in 
tegrity  and  no  one  charged  him  with  complicity  with  the 
management,  but  his  reputation  suffered  greatly  for  the  in 
discretion  of  allowing  the  use  of  his  name  in  connection  with 
the  mine. 


CHAPTER  XI 

A  VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  MEXICAN  STATES 

DURING  the  last  year  of  my  residence  in  Mexico  I  made  a 
long  journey  through  the  interior  and  some  of  the  Pacific 
States.  I  had  already  visited  all  the  States  within  easy  reach 
of  the  Capital  and  even  some  of  the  more  distant  ones,  in 
cluding  Michoacan,  Guerrero,  and  Oaxaca,  and  had  estab 
lished  quite  a  reputation  as  a  traveler.  But  I  desired  to  be 
come  better  acquainted  with  the  people  and  resources  of  the 
States  seldom  visited  by  tourists  and  little  affected  by  inter 
course  with  the  outside  world. 

In  my  day  the  only  methods  of  reaching  them  were  by  the 
diligence  —  the  old-fashioned  "Concord"  stage-coach  —  and 
on  horseback,  and  much  of  the  journey  by  the  latter  mode. 
The  inconveniences  and  discomforts  of  the  way  were  pic 
tured  to  me  in  the  darkest  colors,  and  few  of  my  friends  en 
couraged  me  in  the  undertaking,  but  my  experience  in  travel 
through  the  country  satisfied  me  that  the  hardships  were 
usually  exaggerated.  The  Federal  Government  expressed 
gratification  at  my  project  and  volunteered  all  needed  pro 
tection.  And  so,  well  supplied  with  letters  of  credit  and 
introduction  for  the  towns  and  cities  en  route,  I  began  my 
journey  on  September  26.  I  planned  my  departure  for  this 
date,  as  the  rainy  season  was  just  drawing  to  a  close,  the 
roads  would  be  drying  out,  and  vegetation  would  be  fresh 
and  exuberant. 

I  can  best  describe  my  experiences  by  giving  extracts  from 
my  letters  to  my  wife,  written  on  the  way  while  these  ex 
periences  were  fresh  in  mind.  From  Queretaro  at  the  end  of 
the  second  day  of  the  journey,  I  wrote :  — 


122  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

After  taking  the  diligence  yesterday  morning  my  first 
business  was  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  my  traveling  com 
panions.  Fortunately  they  all  proved  to  be  respectable  per 
sons.  First,  there  was  a  padre,  belonging  to  the  Profesa 
Church  in  Mexico,  taking  a  trip  into  the  interior ;  a  fat,  jolly 
fellow,  talkative,  a  good  traveling  companion,  and  we  were 
soon  quite  good  friends.  Then  there  was  a  merchant  of 
Guanajuato,  returning  from  buying  goods,  a  pleasant,  in 
telligent  Mexican,  his  grandmother  an  Englishwoman. 
Lastly  an  hacendado  with  his  family  of  five  persons,  two  of 
them  ladies.  He  gave  me  much  information  about  farming 
matters.  Before  wre  had  gone  far  the  ladies  asked  permission 
to  light  their  cigarettes,  and  then  all  my  companions  were 
puffing  away.  Although  I  give  my  fellow  passengers  a  cred 
itable  description,  when  I  tell  you  that  every  one  of  them 
used  the  tablecloth  at  meals,  although  we  had  napkins,  you 
may  not  think  so  highly  of  their  refinement !  .  .  . 

The  diligence  has  been  well  guarded  all  the  way  by  rurales 
[mounted  soldiers],  and  as  we  crossed  the  line  into  the  State 
of  Queretaro,  I  wras  met  by  an  officer  with  a  message  of  wel 
come  from  the  Governor ;  so  you  may  be  assured  I  shall  be 
taken  care  of.  For  a  considerable  part  of  the  time  I  have  rid 
den  on  the  pescante  [an  outside  seat  above  the  driver],  and 
enjoyed  the  delicious  air  and  the  beautiful  scenery.  As  we 
entered  this  city  just  as  the  sun  was  setting  over  the  valley, 
the  view  was  charming. 

Every  attention  has  been  paid  me  during  my  one  day's 
stay  here.  On  my  arrival  a  committee  received  me  with  a 
message  from  the  Governor,  inviting  me  to  lodge  at  his  house, 
from  which  I  excused  myself  with  the  best  grace  possible. 
In  the  morning  the  Governor's  coach  was  at  the  door  for  my 
visits,  and  in  the  afternoon  he  accompanied  me  to  see  the 
various  public  institutions,  and  after  visiting  a  number  of 
these,  where  do  you  suppose  we  brought  up?  At  the  plaza 
de  toros,  where  a  bull-fight  was  in  full  progress ;  but  I  must 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO      123 

claim  credit  for  staying  only  to  see  one  bull  killed,  and  was 
glad  to  get  away. 

At  the  end  of  the  fourth  day  of  travel,  I  wrote  from  Guana 
juato  :  — 

I  have  been  agreeably  disappointed  in  the  comforts  I  have 
found  on  the  road.  The  meals  have  all  been  good,  and  I  have 
had  every  night  a  clean  and  comfortable  bed.  Starting  very 
early  in  the  morning  and  traveling  sometimes  till  10  P.M., 
the  diligence  becomes  a  little  wearisome,  but  changing  from 
the  inside  to  the  pescante  at  will  the  monotony  is  broken. 
Much  of  the  journey  has  been  through  the  Bajio,  one  of  the 
richest  agricultural  valleys  in  Mexico,  and  since  the  rain  it 
has  on  its  most  beautiful  dress.  .  .  . 

On  my  arrival  here  I  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  pressing 
invitations  from  the  Governor  and  from  three  or  four  mer 
chants  and  mining  proprietors,  to  whom  I  had  letters,  to 
become  their  guest,  but  I  preferred  the  hotel,  where  I  would 
be  free  to  see  all  kinds  of  people.  My  first  "  swell "  dinner  was 

at  the  house  of .  According  to  your  direction,  I  wore  my 

dress-suit,  and  wras  the  only  one  of  the  company  who  did ! 
But  as  it  was  given  in  my  honor,  and,  coming  from  the  Capi 
tal,  I  suppose  it  was  not  out  of  place.  The  seating  was  a  little 
queer.  The  host  took  the  head  of  the  table,  placed  his  wife 
on  his  right,  me  on  his  left,  and  the  Governor  next  to  his 
wife.  When  I  returned  to  the  hotel  I  found  a  second  note  from 
Mrs.  P.,  asking  me  to  tea  this  evening  at  six.  But  as  I  knew 
what  "a  tea"  means  in  this  country,  I  answered  that  as  I  had 
to  go  to  the  Governor's  to  dine  at  one,  I  hoped  she  would  give 
me  only  a  cup  of  tea.  Four  dinners  in  two  days  I  feared  were 
too  much  for  me.  Among  my  visits  I  called  on  the  American 
Protestant  missionary  here,  who  had  come  to  see  me  at  the 
Legation  in  Mexico.  His  wife,  a  very  nice  lady,  is  almost 
isolated  socially.  She  tells  me  she  has  no  female  companions 
or  visiting  acquaintances.  The  work  goes  on  slowly. 


124  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

The  visit  to  Guanajuato  was  of  great  interest,  with  its 
unique  location  in  the  narrow  valley,  and  the  study  of  the 
mines  and  the  attentions  of  the  Governor  and  other  residents 
made  my  stay  a  busy  and  profitable  one.  At  the  large  city 
of  Leon  similar  attentions  were  extended.  The  next  import 
ant  place  at  which  I  made  a  halt  was  Guadalajara.  From 
the  first  letter  from  that  city  I  make  some  extracts  as  to 
experiences  by  the  way :  — 

Passing  Silao,  the  military  commander,  with  a  dozen 
medals  of  honor  on  his  breast,  and  the  jefe  politico  [the  mayor] 
were  on  hand  to  pay  me  their  respects  and  receive  my  orders. 
But  as  the  diligence  only  stopped  to  change  mules,  I  had  no 
orders  to  give.  .  .  . 

At  Lagos  the  jefe  politico  had  given  the  landlord  notice  to 
prepare  me  the  best  room  in  the  house,  and  when  I  came  to 
pay  my  bill  the  landlord  declined  to  receive  the  money,  say 
ing  it  was  to  be  settled  by  the  jefe,  but  I  insisted  and  made 
him  take  the  money.  I  don't  want  the  Mexican  Government 
to  pay  my  traveling  expenses.  .  .  . 

As  I  crossed  the  line  into  the  State  of  Jalisco  I  began  to  see 
the  effects  of  my  friendship  with  Vallarta  [Diaz'  first  Secre 
tary  of  Foreign  Affairs].  This  is  his  pais  [country],  and  he 
has  evidently  given  notice  of  my  coming,  as  the  attentions 
on  the  way  here  have  been  almost  overpowering.  At  the  first 
town  we  passed  I  was  given  quite  an  ovation,  being  met  at 
the  outskirts  by  the  officials  with  a  band  of  music  and  es 
corted  into  town  with  all  the  church-bells  ringing,  a  great 
noise  of  fireworks,  and  the  whole  population  out  to  see  el 
estranjero  [the  foreigner].  Fortunately  we  had  only  to  remain 
long  enough  for  the  relay  of  mules,  and  I  was  glad  to  get 
away  from  the  din  of  the  bells  and  fireworks,  the  gaze  of  the 
people,  and  the  attentions  of  the  officials,  however  well 
meant.  At  another  town  where  I  underwent  a  similar  recep 
tion,  and  while  the  relay  was  being  made  ready,  one  of  my 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO      125 

fellow  passengers  stepped  into  a  shop  for  a  refresco,  and  he 
was  asked  by  the  proprietor  which  of  us  was  the  Archbishop. 
He  naturally  thought  all  that  bell-ringing  of  the  churches 
could  be  for  no  other  than  the  greatest  personage  of  the  hier 
archy.  Had  he  known  what  a  heretic  he  was  in  whose  honor 
all  this  noise  was  raised,  doubtless  his  disgust  would  have 
been  great !  .  .  . 

The  night  before  my  arrival  in  Guadalajara  I  received  a 
telegram  from  Mr.  Newton,  the  leading  American  citizen, 
stating  that  the  American  residents  desired  to  meet  me  out 
side  the  city,  and  that  he  had  rooms  prepared  for  me  at  his 
house ;  and  asking  to  be  informed  of  the  probable  hour  of  my 
arrival.  I  answered  that  we  would  probably  arrive  late  at 
night,  not  to  wait  for  me,  but  for  my  countrymen  to  call  on 
me  the  next  morning.  It  proved  one  of  the  hardest  days  of 
all  my  journey.  I  was  called  at  3  A.M.  and  in  one  of  the  towns 
at  9  A.M.  I  had  to  undergo  an  official  reception  and  a  formal 
breakfast,  with  toasts  and  speeches,  which  delayed  us.  The 
road  was  bad  and  we  made  slow  progress ;  besides,  the  dili 
gence  had  been  robbed  two  weeks  before  and  two  passengers 
killed,  which  led  the  State  and  Federal  authorities  to  cumber 
us  with  a  heavy  guard.  Thus  it  was  that  we  did  not  reach 
San  Pedro,  a  town  one  league  from  Guadalajara,  till  after 
11  P.M.,  and  what  was  my  surprise  to  find  the  plaza  illumin 
ated,  a  long  row  of  carriages  waiting,  and  not  only  the  entire 
American  colony  out,  but  also  the  Governor  of  the  State,  the 
general  of  the  Federal  forces,  the  President  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  municipal  authorities,  etc. 

Tired  and  dusty  and  sleepy  as  I  was,  I  could  not  but  feel 
(notwithstanding  the  compliment,  which  I  highly  appreci 
ated)  that  they  were  a  great  set  of  fools  to  be  engaged  in  that 
kind  of  business  at  that  time  of  the  night ;  and  I  would  much 
rather  have  gone  quietly  to  the  hotel,  and  met  them  all  the 
next  morning,  after  a  bath,  a  change  of  clothes,  and  a  break 
fast.  Nothing  would  do  but  I  must  change  from  the  diligence 


126  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

to  the  open  carriage  and  drive  into  the  city  with  the  Gover 
nor,  the  General,  and  the  President  of  the  Court.  The  author 
ities  had  prepared  a  house  for  me,  to  which  the  Governor 
proposed  to  take  me  at  once,  but  I  begged  off  in  the  best  man 
ner  I  could,  on  the  ground  that  I  had  accepted  Mr.  Newton's 
hospitality,  which  he  had  arranged  for  me.  Much  as  I  ap 
preciate  all  their  attentions,  I  prefer  not  to  be  captured  by 
the  Mexican  authorities.  With  all  the  delays,  receptions,  etc., 
it  was  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  before  I  got  to  bed,  twenty- 
three  hours  since  I  left  it.  But  I  am  up  this  morning  early, 
fresh  as  ever,  and  writing  you  of  my  doings. 

My  four  days  in  Guadalajara  were  very  busy  and  inter 
esting  ones.  It  was,  next  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  the  most 
important  one  in  the  Republic,  and  the  capital  of  the 
most  powerful  State.  On  the  eve  of  my  departure  from  it, 
I  wrote :  — 

Much  of  my  time  here  has  been  taken  up  in  visiting  the 
public  institutions,  which  are  more  numerous  and  creditable 
than  in  any  other  place  on  my  journey.  I  have  just 
returned  from  a  round  of  such  inspection  accompanied  by 
the  Governor.  One  of  the  most  important  of  these  is  the 
Alcalde  Asylum,  named  after  the  bishop  who  founded  it  at 
the  beginning  of  this  century.  It  embraces  an  orphanage,  a 
hospital,  a  school  for  poor  boys  and  girls,  old  women's  home, 
etc.,  is  very  extensive,  has  twenty-two  patios  or  courts,  and 
is  the  best  maintained  institution  I  have  seen  in  Mexico. 
This  bishop  has  done  an  immense  good  in  this  State,  and  his 
work  is  a  shining  evidence  that  the  Catholic  clergy  were  not 
all  greedy  of  power  and  riches.  .  .  . 

I  may  have  mentioned  in  my  letters  from  Leon  that  it  has 
struck  me  as  rather  strange  that  in  each  of  these  two  import 
ant  cities  of  the  interior,  as  well  as  in  Guanajuato,  the  city 
government  was  engaged  in  building  a  magnificent  theatre, 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO      127 

spending  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars,  while  not  one  of 
them,  so  far  as  I  saw,  had  a  decent  public  common-school 
building.  I  did  not  think  it  courteous  to  tell  them,  though 
desiring  to  do  so,  that  in  our  country  the  best  public  build 
ings  were  the  school-houses,  and  that  we  left  the  erection  of 
theatres  to  private  enterprise  and  companies.  .  .  . 

To-day  was  the  official  dinner  given  me  by  the  Governor, 
and  it  proved  the  most  elegant  entertainment  yet  tendered. 
The  Governor  called  for  me  in  his  carriage  and  drove  me  to 
the  house  which  had  been  fitted  up  for  my  entertainment 
and  which  I  declined.  It  is  quite  a  palatial  establishment  and 
here  the  dinner  was  given.  ...  As  usual  there  were  many 
toasts  and  speeches  complimentary  of  our  country  and  its 
representative.  I  got  off  the  same  speech  which  I  delivered 
at  Guanajuato,  with  slight  modifications  to  suit  the  locality. 
It  is  the  one,  you  remember,  wrhich  I  prepared  before  leaving 
Mexico  and  had  put  into  pure  Castilian.  By  the  time  I  reach 
Mazatlan  I  think  I  shall  be  able  to  recite  it  quite  glibly !  It 
greatly  pleases  the  Mexicans  to  hear  me  praise  them  in  their 
own  tongue.  My  speech  reminds  me  of  the  joke  told  on  Nel 
son  [my  predecessor].  He  prepared  a  pretty  good  campaign 
speech,  which  he  delivered  everywhere  in  Indiana  without 
any  variation.  In  Washington  after  the  campaign,  when 
pressing  for  an  office,  he  was  boasting  that  he  had  delivered 
135  speeches  in  Indiana  during  the  campaign.  One  of  his 
friends,  interrupting,  said,  "No,  Tom,  you  mean  you  de 
livered  one  speech  135  times!"  .  .  . 

I  have  never  been  better  received  than  here  by  everybody 
and  leave  with  the  most  agreeable  impressions.  The  Ameri 
can  colony  is  small,  but  quite  respectable,  and  they  have  been 
very  attentive  to  me.  They  have  been  so  much  pleased  with 
my  visit  that  it  has  been  worth  the  journey  to  gratify  them. 
I  made  it  a  point  to  call  upon  all  the  American  ladies,  in 
cluding  the  wives  of  the  missionaries  of  the  American  Board, 
—  very  intelligent  persons.  I  fear  they  have  a  lonesome  time, 


128  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

with  very  little  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  other  American 
residents. 

Colima,  October  16.  I  am  safely  here  after  a  three  and  a 
half  days'  journey  from  Guadalajara,  much  of  it  on  horse 
back,  as  we  had  a  good  deal  of  mountain  climbing  and  four 
barrancas  to  cross.  The  incidents  of  the  way  were  much  the 
same  as  that  before  reaching  Guadalajara  —  breakfasts  or 
dinners  at  every  large  town,  with  ringing  of  bells  and  fire 
works,  and  kind  treatment  everywhere.  .  .  .  Our  views  of 
the  volcano  of  Colima  were  very  attractive.  It  was  not  in 
active  eruption  as  it  is  sometimes,  but  from  time  to  time  there 
was  a  sudden  rushing-up  of  a  dense  volume  of  smoke  lasting 
only  for  a  few  minutes  in  force,  and  followed  by  a  small 
stream,  like  that  issuing  from  a  chimney,  till  it  ceased  alto 
gether,  but  the  black  cloud  would  hang  over  the  mountain 
for  an  hour  or  more.  .  .  . 

On  arrival  here  I  find  I  have  to  limit  my  stay  to  one  day, 
as  otherwise  I  run  the  risk  of  missing  the  mail  steamer  up  the 
coast.  The  Governor  seemed  much  distressed  at  the  unex 
pected  shortness  of  my  stay,  as  he  had  hoped  to  tender  me 
a  banquet,  and  in  lieu  of  it  invited  me  to  take  a  cup  of  tea  in 
the  gubernatorial  palace,  which  turned  out  to  be  quite  a 
grand  supper  for  thirty  of  the  leading  officials  and  citizens, 
with  the  usual  toasts  and  speech-making. 

Manzanillo,  October  18.  Here  I  am  at  last  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  after  three  weeks  of  absence  from  the  Legation  and 
family. 

The  journey  yesterday  was  partly  by  land  and  partly  by 
water.  The  first,  eighteen  leagues,  was  made  in  a  light  spring- 
wagon,  with  Mr.  Morrill,  the  Consul,  as  a  companion.  At  the 
lake  or  lagoon,  I  was  met  by  Mr.  Dickman,  the  Vice-Consul, 
with  a  boat  flying  a  small  American  flag,  a  pleasant  sight 
after  my  long  land  travel. 

At  5.30  P.M.  we  started  on  the  lake.  The  sun  was  just 
dropping  behind  the  hills  which  separate  the  lake  from  the 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO     129 

ocean,  a  fine  breeze  was  blowing,  and  the  smooth,  swift  mo 
tion  of  the  boat  was  very  delightful  after  the  rough  jolting  in 
the  diligence  and  my  horseback  ride  across  the  barrancas. 
The  distance  was  thirty-five  miles,  and  with  four  oarsmen  we 
made  the  run  in  a  little  less  than  five  hours.  It  was  sur 
prising  to  see  the  rowers  keep  up  their  work  for  five  hours, 
making  seven  miles  an  hour,  without  a  moment's  interrup 
tion,  except  two  or  three  times  to  take  a  dram  of  tequila  or 
light  a  cigar,  a  matter  of  less  than  a  minute. 

After  we  had  got  well  out  in  the  lake,  Mr.  Dickman  pro 
duced  a  basket  of  lunch,  —  ham,  cheese,  beer,  crackers  and 
apples,  —  all  from  California,  and  I  partook  of  them  with  a 
relish.  When  I  grew  tired  of  the  enchanting  tropical  scenery, 
subdued  by  the  shades  of  night  faintly  illuminated  by  clear 
starlight  and  the  new  moon,  a  bed  was  arranged  for  me  in 
the  stern  of  the  boat,  where  I  slept  for  three  hours  within 
three  inches  of  the  water,  gently  rocked  by  the  motion  of  the 
oars.  On  arrival  I  found  comfortable  quarters  awaiting  me 
in  the  house  of  Mr.  Dickman,  one  of  the  few  good  ones  here, 
my  room  facing  the  bay,  with  a  gentle  breeze  sweeping 
through  it  to  temper  the  heat,  which  has  been  somewhat 
oppressive  after  my  journeying  on  the  tableland  and  in  the 
mountains.  .  .  . 

I  was  much  pleased  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Morrill.  Mr.  M. 
I  highly  respect,  especially  for  his  consistent  Christian  life  in 
this  land  where  all  the  influences  tend  to  neglect  of  duty  or 
to  the  Catholic  Church.  He  was  raised  by  Free-Will  Baptist 
parents  till  he  left  home  at  fifteen,  but  never  was  a  church 
member.  He  has  read  prayers,  however,  in  his  family  every 
Sunday  morning  since  he  has  been  in  Mexico,  —  nineteen 
years,  —  and,  as  he  says,  has  tried  to  live  a  Christian  life. 
He  is  now  beginning  to  see  its  results.  As  there  was  no  Pro 
testant  minister  in  this  part  of  the  country,  his  children  were 
baptized  by  the  Catholic  priests.  Since  they  have  grown  up 
he  has  sent  them  to  California  to  school,  and  one  by  one  they 


130  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

have  of  their  own  accord  joined  Protestant  churches  there. 
He  spoke  very  feelingly  of  their  profession  of  faith.  It  is 
about  the  only  bright  spot  religiously  I  have  seen  among  the 
American  or  foreign  families  of  the  Protestant  faith  since 
I  left  the  Capital.  They  are  usually  cases  of  indifference  or 
of  joining  the  Catholic  Church,  to  marry  their  wives  or  for 
business  considerations. 

Mazatlan,  October  24.  I  came  up  here  on  the  Pacific  mail 
steamer,  and  was  so  heartily  received  and  entertained  by  all 
the  officers  of  the  ship  and  passengers,  with  its  American 
comforts  and  ways,  I  felt  as  if  I  was  back  in  my  own  country 
again.  I  was  met  here  as  the  ship  anchored  by  our  Consul 
and  by  Mr.  Kelly,  who  (you  remember)  visited  us  in  Mexico. 
His  firm  is  one  of  the  oldest  English  establishments  here, 
and  he  insisted  on  taking  me  at  once  to  his  house,  where  I  am 
very  comfortably,  even  luxuriously,  cared  for.  I  expect  to 
take  a  trip  of  three  days  with  him  in  the  morning  to  the 
Rosario  mining  district. 

October  27.  On  our  return  this  morning  from  the  mines, 
I  found  the  whole  town  in  a  great  state  of  excitement.  Night 
before  last  a  small  band  of  pronunciados  [revolutionists] 
made  an  assault  on  this  city  and  nearly  succeeded  in  captur 
ing  it.  A  General  Ramirez,  who  had  been  one  of  the  leading 
Diaz  chiefs,  had  become  dissatisfied  and  had  gathered  the 
force  which  attacked  this  town.  Had  he  been  successful  it 
would  have  given  him  the  most  important  seaport  on  the 
Pacific,  with  one  gunboat  and  two  steam  tugs,  and  a  full 
blown  revolution  would  have  been  in  progress. 

Knowing  I  had  planned  to  continue  my  travels  in  the 
morning,  the  general  in  command  of  the  Federal  forces  called 
on  me  to  say  he  did  not  think  it  prudent  for  me  to  start  for 
Durango,  as  he  had  advices  that  a  strong  band  of  pronuncia 
dos  were  encamped  eight  or  ten  leagues  from  the  city  near  the 
road  I  had  to  pass ;  that  the  small  force  of  cavalry  he  had  in 
the  city  was  not  a  sufficient  escort  for  me ;  that  he  had  or- 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO     131 

dered  all  the  cavalry  in  the  district  to  concentrate  here ;  and 
that  in  four  or  five  days  he  would  have  a  sufficient  force  to 
take  me  through  in  safety. 

I,  however,  expressed  a  willingness  to  go  alone  without 
an  escort,  against  which  he  strongly  protested;  but  I  told 
him  I  would  free  him  and  the  Mexican  Government  from  all 
responsibility,  and  take  the  risk  upon  myself.  I  did  not  want 
to  lose  the  time,  and,  besides,  if  there  was  to  be  any  fighting 
I  preferred  not  to  be  about  when  it  was  going  on.  So  I  am 
preparing  to  leave  in  the  morning  for  my  long  trip  of  seven  or 
eight  days  across  the  great  Sierra  Madre  Range  to  Durango. 

La  Oiudad,  November  1.  We  have  at  last  reached  the  top 
of  the  Sierra  Madre,  nine  thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  and 
are  taking  a  day's  rest.  I  was  fortunate  in  finding  at  Mazatlan 
a  pleasant  traveling  companion  in  Captain  L.,  a  Norwegian 
who  has  been  commanding  one  of  the  Mexican  gunboats  and 
is  under  orders  to  report  himself  at  the  Capital.  He  speaks 
English  and  Spanish,  and  has  relieved  me  of  much  of  the 
trouble  about  lodgings,  meals,  etc.  In  leaving  Mazatlan  we 
came  fourteen  leagues  in  a  country  hack,  and  then  took  to 
our  mules.  Each  of  us  had  a  riding-mule,  a  pack-mule,  and 
two  mounted  servants.  We  had  been  told  we  should  find  no 
provisions  on  the  road  arid  we  took  along  quite  a  supply.  For 
lodgings  at  night  we  found  only  a  kind  of  cot,  which  is  a 
frame  set  on  four  legs  or  posts,  covered  with  strips  of  raw 
hide,  with  no  covering  or  pillows ;  and  we  slept  outdoors  or 
under  a  thatched-roof  shed,  but  as  the  climate  was  warm  we 
did  not  suffer,  our  shawls  answering  for  cover  and  our  over 
coats  for  pillows.  We  found  nothing  on  the  road  in  the  way 
of  food  but  frijoles  and  tortillas,  sometimes  not  even  those, 
and  only  once  did  we  succeed  in  getting  a  chicken ;  but  with 
the  tea,  coffee,  and  provisions  we  brought  with  us  we  fared 
very  well. 

The  route  is  the  roughest  and  most  difficult  I  have  ever 
traveled  over,  almost  constantly  up  and  down  mountains  of 


132  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  steepest  grade,  and  the  Mazatlan  River  to  ford  about  a 
dozen  times,  with  a  deep,  swift  current,  and  always  in  fear  of 
getting  a  ducking.  One  day  we  were  caught  in  a  heavy  rain 
storm  (the  first  I  have  had  since  I  left  Mexico),  which  so 
swelled  the  river  we  had  to  wait  till  the  next  morning  to 
cross.  The  road  is  no  road  at  all,  merely  a  path  wide  enough 
for  one  mule,  and  at  times  altogether  lost.  Often  the  path 
was  so  narrow  and  the  declivity  so  precipitous  that  I  would 
gladly  have  dismounted,  but  the  guides  say  that  a  mule  is 
much  surer-footed  than  a  man  in  such  places. 

The  scenery  is  magnificent  beyond  description.  I  think 
in  this  respect  I  have  enjoyed  the  trip  more  than  any  other 
I  have  made.  The  Sierra  Madre  here  is  composed  of  a  series 
of  mountain  ranges,  up  and  down  which  we  have  to  go,  each 
succeeding  one  higher  than  the  other,  till  we  reach  the  sum 
mit,  every  succeeding  mountain-top  revealing  a  higher  and 
different  view.  Such  mountain  ranges  and  broken  valleys  I 
have  never  seen  before. 

Mr.  A.,  at  whose  ranch  we  are  stopping,  is  a  Virginian 
who  went  to  California  many  years  ago,  and  came  to  this  out- 
of-the-way  place  in  1862,  where  he  has  lived  ever  since,  with 
varying  fortune.  He  is  now  engaged  in  mining  and  owns  a 
farm  just  on  the  top  of  the  mountains  where  we  reach  the 
tablelands.  Having  heard  of  my  coming,  he  came  down  the 
mountain-side  a  half-day's  journey  to  meet  and  accompany 
me  to  his  house,  where  he  has  given  me  a  hearty  welcome. 
Last  night  after  our  arrival  he  gave  us,  among  other  good 
things,  corned-beef,  American  corn-bread,  plenty  of  fresh 
milk,  and  the  best  of  butter  —  real  delicacies  after  our  moun 
tain  experience.  It  is  quite  cold  here  at  night,  being  so  much 
higher  and  further  north  than  Mexico  City.  Sitting  about  a 
wide-open  fireplace,  with  large  blazing  pine  logs  last  night, 
took  me  back  to  old  times  in  Indiana. 

My  travel  through  the  country  is  giving  me  more  insight 
than  I  have  ever  had  before  into  the  wretched  state  of  society 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO      133 

and  morals  in  these  secluded  parts  of  the  country.  With  the 
lower  classes  it  is  a  common  occurrence  for  the  parents  of  a 
pretty  girl  to  sell  her  to  some  rich  man,  and  alter  he  tires  of 
her  she  may  be  taken  up  by  a  man  of  a  lower  class,  or  lead 
a  worse  life.  It  is  not  unusual  for  army  officers,  especially 
in  revolutionary  times,  in  their  marches  through  the  country 
to  carry  off  with  them  by  force  any  attractive  girl  or  woman 
of  the  lower  classes  to  whom  they  may  chance  to  take  a 
fancy.  The  state  of  morals  among  them  and  regard  for 
matrimonial  relations  are  most  wretched ;  and  with  even  the 
upper  classes  it  is  bad  enough.  The  people  of  the  ranch  had 
a  fandango,  or  ball,  last  night,  and  we  were  invited  over  to 
it.  For  the  first  time  I  saw  the  jarabe  danced  —  a  not  very 
seemly  affair. 

The  journey  was  resumed  the  next  morning,  and  the  day 
before  we  reached  Durango  we  were  met  by  an  officer  repre 
senting  the  Governor  with  a  cavalry  escort,  the  trip  across 
the  mountains  from  Mazatlan  being  the  only  time  I  have 
been  without  a  military  guard.  At  Durango  I  had  much  the 
same  experience  as  at  the  other  State  Capitals  visited ;  cordial 
hospitality  from  the  authorities  and  citizens;  examination 
of  the  public  institutions ;  a  formal  banquet  by  the  Governor ; 
and  meeting  some  old  friends  and  making  many  pleasant 
new  acquaintances.  Of  my  departure  for  Zacatecas,  and  the 
scenes  en  route,  I  wrote :  — 

I  wras  to  leave  Durango  in  the  diligence  at  2  o'clock  A.M. 
and  my  host,  Mr.  M.,  arranged  a  pleasant  whist-party  to 
pass  the  time,  with  an  elegant  supper  after  midnight.  It  was 
a  long  and  tiresome  ride  of  thirty-eight  leagues  to  a  prettily 
situated  town  with  the  Indian  name  of  Chalchihuites.  I 
was  met  a  league  outside  of  the  town  by  the  authorities  and 
a  great  concourse  of  citizens  in  carriages  and  on  horseback, 
taken  from  the  diligence,  and  escorted  into  town  by  the 


134  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

whole  company  headed  by  a  military  band,  after  having  re 
ceived  an  artillery  salute.  I  was  lodged  at  the  principal  pri 
vate  house  in  the  town,  where  a  formal  dinner  followed,  with 
the  customary  toasts  and  speeches.  During  the  progress  of 
the  dinner  I  learned  that  it  had  been  arranged  to  give  a  ball 
in  my  honor  after  the  dinner.  As  I  had  not  slept  any  the 
night  before,  had  made  such  an  unusually  long  journey  that 
day,  and  had  to  start  the  next  morning  at  five,  this  extreme 
of  hospitality  was  beyond  my  endurance,  so  I  escaped  the 
ball  by  showing  myself  in  the  room  after  dinner,  and  then 
retiring. 

I  found  here  two  very  agreeable  and  intelligent  American 
families,  who  manifested  great  pleasure  in  seeing  me.  One 
of  them  has  resided  here  since  the  war  of  1848.  It  has  been 
one  of  the  most  pleasing  incidents  of  my  tour  through  the 
country  that  it  has  apparently  afforded  so  much  gratification 
to  the  American  residents.  No  Minister  has  ever  before 
visited  their  localities,  and  besides  forming  my  personal 
acquaintance,  it  has  been  a  source  of  pride  to  them  to  see 
their  country  so  heartily  recognized  by  the  Mexican  au 
thorities.  .  .  . 

The  State  of  Zacatecas  has  outdone  all  the  others  thus 
far  in  the  attentions  and  demonstrations  in  my  behalf.  I 
suppose  the  Governor  has  heard  of  my  reception  in  the  other 
towns  and  cities,  and  his  State  pride  is  awakened.  Certainly 
my  reception  all  along  the  route  was  most  cordial.  At  one  of 
the  towns,  after  the  usual  reception  and  dinner,  the  jefe 
politico  suggested  that  as  a  matter  of  health,  before  going  to 
bed,  it  might  be  well  to  take  a  turn  in  the  plaza,  when  much 
to  my  surprise  I  found  it  brilliantly  illuminated,  including 
the  church  walls  and  tower  and  all  the  buildings  around  the 
square.  The  band  was  discoursing  music,  and  the  whole 
population  was  out  to  see  Su  Excelencia  el  Senor  Ministro 
Americano.  The  diligence  left  at  3  A.M.  the  next  day,  as  it 
was  a  long  journey,  so  I  was  up  at  2.30  A.M.  when  I  found 


VISIT  TO  THE  INTERIOR  OF  MEXICO      135 

the  prominent  citizens  were  on  hand  to  take  chocolate  with 
me  and  say  good-bye.  The  plaza  was  still  illuminated. 
Whether  they  had  kept  it  going  all  night,  or  it  was  relighted 
for  my  departure,  I  did  not  learn ! 

It  would  become  tedious  if  I  continued  the  extracts  from 
my  letters,  giving  details  of  the  remainder  of  my  tour.  Four 
days  were  spent  in  Zacatecas,  with  abounding  hospitality 
and  honors  and  in  examining  that  great  mining-centre. 
Thence  I  passed  on  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  where  equal  atten 
tions  were  shown  me.  In  this  city  I  accepted  the  hospitality 
of  the  house  that  had  been  prepared  by  the  authorities  for 
my  lodgment,  making  it  an  exception  to  my  action  in  other 
State  Capitals  for  reasons  not  necessary  to  explain.  From 
there  I  turned  again  northward  to  Saltillo,  the  Capital  of 
Coahuila;  thence  to  Monterey,  the  seat  of  the  government 
of  Nuevo  Leon ;  and  at  last  reached  Matamoros,  on  the  Texas 
frontier,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Bravo.  In  all 
these  cities  and  at  the  towns  en  route  the  same  unvarying 
hospitality  and  cordial  expression  of  feeling  for  our  country 
were  extended  to  me. 

At  Matamoros  I  met  General  Ord,  an  old  acquaintance  of 
the  Civil  War,  commander  of  the  Department  of  Texas,  the 
man  who  had  been  the  cause  of  so  much  indignation  on  the 
part  of  the  Mexicans  in  the  past  two  years  because  of  the 
occasional  crossing  of  his  troops  into  Mexico  in  pursuit  of 
raiders  or  outlaws.  The  feeling  of  hostility  apparently  had 
died  away,  as  he  attended  the  festivities  given  in  my  honor 
by  the  Mexican  authorities  and  was  warmly  welcomed.  The 
General  was  then  on  a  visit  to  the  garrison  of  Fort  Brown, 
and  the  citizens  of  Brownsville,  Texas,  gave  a  dinner  in  our 
joint  honor,  followed  by  a  ball  at  Fort  Brown. 

As  there  were  then  no  regular  passenger  steamers  touching 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  for  Vera  Cruz,  the  Mexican 
Government  did  me  the  honor  to  send  one  of  its  gunboats  to 


136  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

bring  me  from  Matamoros  to  that  port.  I  thus  completed  my 
tour  of  about  three  thousand  miles,  occupying  nearly  three 
months,  without  any  serious  delay  or  unpleasant  experience. 
Soon  after  reaching  the  Capital,  President  Diaz  invited  me  to 
a  dinner  in  the  National  Palace,  at  which  there  were  present 
the  Diplomatic  Corps,  the  Cabinet,  and  other  high  officials, 
and  I  had  the  opportunity,  in  response  to  the  toast  of  the 
President,  to  make  public  acknowledgment  of  the  courtesies 
received  from  the  various  authorities  and  citizens. 

My  excursion  was  such  an  unusual  one  that  I  gained  quite 
a  reputation  as  a  traveler,  and  my  return  was  the  occasion 
of  many  notices  in  the  press.  The  following  is  an  extract 
from  one  of  the  leading  papers :  — 

"The  tour  of  Minister  Foster  through  the  Republic  of 
Mexico  possesses  an  interest  in  several  respects.  No  other 
foreign  diplomat  ever  made  a  similar  tour,  and  very  few  tour 
ists,  if  any,  have  ever  traveled  over  such  an  extent  of  terri 
tory,  visited  so  many  cities  and  towns,  and  none  have  been  in 
such  intimate  communication  with  the  people  or  had  such 
intimate  intercourse  with  all  classes  of  Mexican  society. 
With  previous  excursions,  this  grand  tour  makes  Mr.  Foster 
one  of  the  best  informed  persons  in  Mexican  affairs,  having 
visited  nearly  every  State  in  the  Republic. 

"  His  reception  in  every  locality  which  he  visited  shows 
the  high  respect  in  which  he  is  held  throughout  the  countiy 
and  the  desire  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  writh  the  United 
States.  It  was  very  gratifying  to  the  Mexicans  to  have  him 
respond  to  the  various  addresses  and  in  his  social  intercourse 
with  the  people,  in  their  own  language." 


CHAPTER  XII 

FROM  MEXICO  TO   RUSSIA 

A  FEW  weeks  after  my  return  to  the  Capital  from  the  excur 
sion  into  the  interior  Mexican  States,  intimations  reached  the 
city  by  telegraph  that  I  was  to  be  transferred  to  the  Russian 
Mission,  and  on  January  19,  1880,  President  Hayes  nomi 
nated  me  to  that  post.  My  name  was  sent  to  the  Senate  at 
the  same  time  that  James  Russell  Lowell  was  nominated 
for  transfer  from  Madrid  to  London,  and  other  important 
diplomatic  changes  were  made.  The  appointment  came  to 
me  as  a  surprise,  as  I  had  made  no  application  for  it,  and  did 
not  know  that  my  promotion  to  a  higher  post  was  contem 
plated  by  the  Secretary  of  State  or  the  President. 

General  U.  S.  Grant,  who  had  made  his  tour  of  the  world, 
was  then  about  to  visit  Mexico  as  the  guest  of  the  Mexican 
Government,  and  I  felt  that  it  was  my  duty  to  remain  at  my 
post  at  least  until  his  arrival  in  the  country,  and  see  that  he 
was  properly  introduced  to  the  authorities.  Accordingly  I 
suggested  to  the  Department  of  State  that  it  would  be  well 
for  me  to  delay  my  departure,  and  I  promptly  received  its 
approval  of  my  suggestion,  with  permission  to  remain  as 
long  as  I  should  think  best. 

General  Grant  was  recognized  in  Mexico  as  one  of  its  best 
friends.  During  the  French  intervention  his  sympathies  were 
strongly  enlisted  on  the  side  of  Juarez  and  the  republicans, 
and  at  the  close  of  our  Civil  War  he  was  greatly  disappointed 
that  he  was  not  permitted  to  march  an  army  into  Mexico, 
and,  in  conjunction  with  that  of  Juarez,  dethrone  Maximilian 
and  expel  the  French  soldiers.  It  was  better  for  us  as  well  as 
the  Mexicans  that  the  more  peaceful  but  equally  effective 


138  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

method  of  Secretary  Seward's  diplomacy  should  accomplish 
this  result,  but  the  Mexicans  knew  of  General  Grant's 
sympathies  and  wishes  and  felt  grateful  for  them.  Also  as 
President  he  had  always  treated  Mexican  questions  with 
justice,  even  with  partiality. 

The  Diaz  Government  had  kept  informed  of  the  marked 
honors  which  had  been  bestowed  upon  the  General  during 
his  tour  of  the  world,  and  it  resolved  that  his  reception  in 
Mexico  should  not  fall  below  the  most  distinguished  of  them. 
I  met  him  at  Vera  Cruz  and  accompanied  him  to  the  Capital, 
being  of  such  service  as  I  could  in  the  various  receptions 
tendered  him  on  the  way.  In  his  party  were  Mrs.  Grant, 
General  and  Mrs.  Phil.  Sheridan,  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Frederick 
Grant,  a  secretary,  and  one  or  two  other  friends.  The  Govern 
ment  had  taken  one  of  the  most  commodious  and  stately  of 
the  public  buildings  and  furnished  it  in  appropriate  and 
costly  style,  and  this  edifice  with  all  necessary  equipment 
was  made  their  home  during  their  stay  of  several  weeks  in 
the  Capital. 

Every  attention  which  it  was  possible  for  them  to  receive 
was  showered  upon  the  General  and  his  party  by  the  Govern 
ment  and  society.  Among  the  most  notable  of  these  was  the 
dinner  in  his  honor  tendered  by  the  American  residents  of 
the  Capital.  General  Grant's  speech  on  the  occasion  was  so 
characteristic  for  its  simplicity  and  brevity  that  I  give  it  in 
full.  He  spoke  as  follows :  — 

"  Citizens  of  the  United  States  and  neighbors  of  Mexico :  I 
am  very  glad  to  meet  you  here  and  see  the  good  feeling  that 
exists  between  men  of  the  two  greatest  republics  on  this  con 
tinent.  I  hope  it  may  be  emblematical  of  the  perpetual  peace 
that  may  exist  between  us.  I  trust  that  we  may  be  a  benefit 
to  each  other  as  we  may  well  be. 

"  I  think  I  speak  the  sentiments  of  the  great  mass  of  my 
own  people  when  I  say  that  we  only  wish  prosperity  to  this 
country  and  that  Mexico  may  improve,  as  she  is  capable  of 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  139 

doing,  and  grow  great ;  that  she  may  become  our  rival  and 
move  along,  side  by  side  with  us.  We  have  no  jealousy,  but 
are  willing  to  be  taught  as  well  as  to  teach." 

I  remained  at  my  post  until  General  Grant  had  completed 
his  visit  in  the  country,  and  we  returned  together  in  the  same 
steamer  to  the  United  States. 

My  farewell  to  Mexico  was  of  the  most  cordial  and  feeling 
character.  My  family  and  I  were  the  recipients  of  many 
demonstrations  of  esteem  and  friendship  from  all  classes  of 
society,  both  official  and  private.  Farewell  dinners  were 
extended  to  us  by  the  President  of  the  Republic,  members  of 
the  Cabinet,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  by  our  friends 
of  Mexican  and  foreign  circles. 

Not  the  least  gratifying  of  these  was  the  demonstration 
of  my  fellow  countrymen  timed  to  occur  on  my  forty-fourth 
birthday,  and  in  which  was  combined  a  farewell  reception, 
ball,  and  supper,  attended  by  the  entire  American  colony, 
prominent  officials,  and  many  Mexican  and  foreign  families. 
Among  the  company  were  General  Grant  and  his  party, 
the  General  in  an  extemporaneous  address  referring  in  very 
kindly  terms  to  our  army  acquaintance  and  to  his  selection, 
when  President,  of  me  for  the  Mexican  Mission.  Among  the 
formal  exercises  of  the  occasion  were  the  presentation  by  the 
American  colony  of  mementoes  of  their  esteem  to  Mrs.  Foster 
and  myself  and  a  beautifully  engrossed  and  illuminated  ad 
dress  signed  by  the  male  members  of  the  colony.  My  readers 
will  excuse  the  seeming  egotism  with  which  I  reproduce  the 
address  and  my  reply  to  it.  The  following  was  the  address :  — 

The  undersigned  American  citizens  resident  in  the  City  of 
Mexico,  in  view  of  the  approaching  departure  of  the  Honor 
able  John  W.  Foster  from  a  post  which  for  seven  years  he  has 
filled  with  honor  to  his  country,  credit  to  himself,  and  bene 
ficently  for  the  interests  of  his  countrymen,  beg  leave  to  offer 
this  testimonial  as  a  spontaneous  expression  of  the  very  high 


140  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

appreciation  which  his  social  qualities  and  efficient  public 
services  have  secured  for  him  from  all  who  have  enjoyed  the 
privilege  of  his  personal  friendship  or  who  have  had  just 
occasion  to  claim  his  official  aid,  counsel,  or  protection. 
While  most  heartily  approving  the  well-merited  recognition 
which  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  accorded  to 
his  fidelity  and  ability  in  promoting  him  to  a  higher  diplo 
matic  position,  their  congratulations  are  mingled  with  re 
grets,  deepened  by  a  sense  of  personal  loss,  in  parting  with  a 
gentleman  whose  house  has  been  so  long  the  centre  of  social 
hospitality,  and  with  a  national  representative  whose  name 
has  always  been  a  synonym  of  personal  honor  and  irre 
proachable  official  integrity. 
CITY  OF  MEXICO,  March  2,  1880. 

My  reply  to  the  address  was,  in  part,  as  follows :  — 

I  cannot  trust  myself  to  attempt  to  respond  in  fitting 
words  to  this  demonstration  and  to  the  highly  complimentary 
testimonial  regarding  my  public  service  and  social  and  private 
relations,  to  which  the  Americans  in  Mexico  have  sub 
scribed  their  names.  I  can  only  assure  you  that  it  is  one  of  the 
most  precious  experiences  of  my  life,  and  that  it  will  ever 
remain  fresh  and  glowing  in  my  memory.  It  has  been  my 
practice  to  accept  no  present  of  any  value  for  any  service, 
while  holding  an  office  of  influence  and  importance,  but  as 
I  have  to-day  presented  to  the  President  of  this  Republic 
my  letter  of  recall,  and  have  ceased  to  hold  a  position  where 
I  could  render  any  recompense  for  favors  received  but  that 
of  simple  gratitude  and  sincere  thanks,  I  cheerfully  receive  for 
my  wife  and  myself  these  elegant  and  highly  appropriate 
memorials  as  mementoes  of  the  approbation  of  my  public 
service  and  of  my  personal  conduct  by  my  resident  country 
men,  who  have  known  the  manner  of  my  life  and  have  been 
the  daily  witnesses  of  my  acts.  As  such  it  will  be  our  pride  to 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  141 

hand  them  down  to  our  children  as  heirlooms,  reminding 
them  that  friendship  is  real  and  that  public  duties  conscien 
tiously  discharged  receive  proper  recognition. 

I  will  not  say  the  sad  word  "farewell"  to-night,  as  I  hope 
to  see  you  all  in  your  own  homes  before  my  departure.  But 
I  beg  to  express  for  myself  and  my  wife,  for  whom  I  am  sure 
the  greatest  share  of  this  demonstration  is  intended,  —  for 
she  has  better  earned  it  than  I,  —  our  heartfelt  thanks  for  the 
multitude  of  acts  of  kindness  and  sympathy  which  we  have 
received  in  these  happy  years  we  have  spent  amongst  you, 
and  to  assure  you  that  neither  the  gayeties  of  the  Court  to 
which  we  are  sent  shall  cause  us  to  forget  you,  nor  the  snows 
of  a  Russian  winter  chill  in  the  slightest  degree  the  warmth 
of  our  affection  for  our  friends  in  sunny  Mexico. 

Following  the  American  farewell  reception,  we  were  in 
vited  a  few  days  later  to  meet  the  English  residents  in  the 
British  Library,  and  Mrs.  Foster  and  I  were  presented  with 
souvenirs  of  their  esteem,  accompanied  by  addresses  appro 
priate  to  the  occasion.  While  I  had  unofficially  represented 
a  number  of  foreign  governments  which  did  not  have  diplo 
matic  relations  with  Mexico,  my  chief  service  was  in  behalf 
of  British  interests,  which  were  quite  large  in  the  country. 
There  was  only  a  small  English  colony  in  the  Capital,  but 
they  were  cultivated  and  agreeable  people,  and  they  added 
greatly  to  the  social  gatherings  at  the  Legation,  where  they 
were  treated  as  our  countrymen. 

I  cannot  say  that  my  transfer  from  Mexico  was  displeasing 
to  me,  for  the  promotion  to  a  higher  post  was  intended  as 
a  recognition  by  my  Government  of  its  satisfaction  with  my 
official  conduct,  and  it  afforded  me  a  gratifying  opportunity 
to  have  some  experience  in  European  diplomatic  life.  But  I 
left  Mexico  with  many  regrets  and  with  a  feeling  of  sadness 
at  the  separation  from  so  many  dear  friends  to  whom  we  had 
become  greatly  attached,  and  from  a  Government  which  had 


142  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

been  uniformly  courteous  and  considerate  of  my  personal 
relations.  My  residence  in  Mexico  of  seven  years,  longer  than 
that  of  any  of  my  predecessors  and  much  longer  than  the 
usual  stay  of  American  diplomats  in  any  one  post,  had  en 
abled  me  to  become  intimately  acquainted  with  its  people 
and  customs,  to  participate  in  their  hospitality,  to  appreciate 
their  many  estimable  qualities,  and  to  form  attachments 
which  have  lasted  through  the  many  intervening  years. 

My  relations  with  the  Government  had  not  always  been 
pleasant.  The  claims  of  Americans  for  alleged  outrages  and 
unjust  treatment  were  numerous,  and  I  had  to  press  them 
upon  an  unwilling  Administration.  At  times  there  was  a 
strong  tension  of  our  friendly  intercourse,  and  open  hostil 
ities  seemed  to  be  the  only  outcome ;  but  I  never  lost  the 
personal  esteem  of  the  Mexican  authorities,  and  when  I  left 
the  country  I  was  possessed  of  the  hearty  friendship  of  the 
President  and  his  official  associates. 

The  construction  of  the  railroads  has  enabled  Mrs.  Foster 
and  myself  in  later  years  to  make  several  visits  to  Mexico 
and  to  renew  the  pleasant  relations  of  the  olden  times,  whose 
memory  has  remained  ever  fresh,  notwithstanding  our  resi 
dence  and  experience  in  many  other  parts  of  the  globe.  No 
one  more  than  we  has  rejoiced  in  the  peace  and  abounding 
prosperity  which  have  come  to  this  fair  land,  of  whose  awak 
ening  period  of  new  life  we  were  witnesses  and  humble  par 
ticipants. 

My  transfer  from  Mexico  to  Russia  was  notable  for  myself 
and  family,  as  it  was  our  first  visit  to  Europe.  Coming  from 
Mexico  on  the  same  steamer  with  the  Grants,  we  made  a 
brief  visit  to  our  home  in  Indiana  and  to  Washington  and 
sailed  from  New  York  for  Liverpool.  We  made  a  short  stay 
in  London,  which  was  busily  spent  in  sight-seeing  and  social 
entertainments.  We  had  many  friends  in  the  metropolis 
whose  acquaintance  we  had  formed  while  they  were  visitors 
in  Mexico,  and  they  made  proffers  of  hospitality,  only  a  few 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  143 

of  which  we  could  accept  on  account  of  the  shortness  of  our 
visit.  I  was  presented  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  (now  Edward 
VII)  at  a  royal  levee  in  St.  James's  Palace,  held  for  the 
Queen ;  and  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  the  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  Earl  Granville,  who  took  occasion  to  repeat 
the  thanks,  which  had  been  tendered  me  in  writing  before 
leaving  Mexico,  for  my  representation  of  British  interests 
before  the  Government  of  that  country.  Lord  Granville  also 
invited  me  to  dinner,  and  I  had  an  opportunity  to  see  some 
thing  of  his  genial  manners,  his  delightful  humor,  and  his 
sparkling  wit.  Among  our  other  social  experiences  was 
attendance  at  a  brilliant  reception  given  by  the  Lord  High 
Chancellor  and  Lady  Selbourne. 

Mr.  Lowell,  our  Minister,  recently  transferred  from  Mad 
rid,  was  absent  on  account  of  the  fatal  illness  of  his  wife,  but 
in  later  visits  to  London  I  met  him  frequently  and  formed  a 
friendship  with  him  which  lasted  to  the  end  of  his  life.  One  of 
the  best  known  Americans  whom  I  met  here  was  Moncure 
D.  Conway.  A  clergyman  by  profession,  his  had  been  a  varied 
and  erratic  religious  experience ;  of  liberal  and  humane  views, 
a  strong  intellectual  character,  there  was  no  American  of  his 
day  who  had  more  friendly  intercourse  with  cultured  British 
society,  and  through  his  hospitable  attentions  on  this  and 
subsequent  visits  I  was  enabled  to  meet  many  of  this  class 
of  people. 

My  most  interesting  personal  experience  in  London  was 
a  visit  which  I  paid  to  the  British  statesman  and  philanthro 
pist,  John  Bright.  The  call  was  arranged  through  his  nephew, 
who  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  and  I  thus  was  afforded 
opportunity  for  a  full  conversation,  which  was  mainly  oc 
cupied  with  reminiscences  of  our  Civil  War  and  his  comments 
on  the  great  prosperity  and  development  of  the  United  States. 
I  had  much  pleasure  in  expressing  to  him  the  immense  debt 
of  gratitude  which  our  people  felt  for  his  untiring  and  valu 
able  service  in  our  behalf  in  the  greatest  crisis  of  our  history, 


144  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

and  how  desirous  they  were  that  he  should  make  a  visit  to 
our  country  in  order  that  they  might  be  afforded  an  oppor 
tunity  to  demonstrate  that  gratitude.  He  feelingly  and 
sadly  said  he  never  could  undertake  the  journey,  as  he  was 
a  poor  sailor  and  he  was  reminded  by  his  physical  condition 
of  the  growing  infirmity  of  years.  He  was,  of  all  Englishmen, 
the  most  devoted  and  consistent  friend  of  the  Union  cause  in 
our  great  struggle.  Gladstone,  for  instance,  a  warm  admirer 
of  our  institutions,  failed  us  in  the  supreme  hour  of  our  need 
and  announced  the  Union  as  lost.  But  Bright  never  faltered 
or  lost  faith.  He  was  a  thorough  believer  in  democracy  and 
the  dignity  of  labor,  and  through  the  darkest  period  of  the 
war  his  eloquent  voice  in  Parliament  and  before  the  people 
was  full  of  hope  and  encouragement. 

I  did  not  meet  Mr.  Gladstone  socially,  but  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  him  speak  in  the  House  of  Commons  in 
defense  of  the  Government's  conduct  on  the  occupation  of 
Egypt.  As  an  oratorical  effort  it  was  a  disappointment,  but 
there  was  little  occasion  for  oratory,  and  the  statement  might 
have  been  made  as  well  by  a  mediocre  Cabinet  Minister. 

From  London  we  crossed  to  Paris,  that  metropolis  of 
taste  and  pleasure,  where  my  stay  was  brief,  as  I  was  desir 
ous  of  reaching  St.  Petersburg  to  present  my  credentials 
before  the  Emperor  left  the  Capital  on  his  summer  vacation. 
The  most  agreeable  incident  of  my  visit  to  Paris  was  meeting 
again  my  college  classmate  and  intimate  friend,  Robert  R. 
Hitt,  then  Secretary  of  Legation,  but  soon  afterwards  called 
to  Washington  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  and  for 
twenty-five  years  consecutively  a  member  of  Congress,  the 
greater  part  of  that  time  being  Chairman,  of  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Affairs.  In  this  latter  post  he  exercised  an  im 
portant  influence  in  our  international  relations,  and  was  one 
of  the  most  influential  members  of  Congress.  His  success  and 
usefulness  are  evidenced  by  the  unfaltering  support  through 
nearly  a  generation  given  him  by  his  constituents.  Besides 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  145 

his  own  native  talents,  he  had  exceptional  training  for  po 
litical  life,  first  associated  with  Abraham  Lincoln  and  after 
wards  as  private  secretary  to  Oliver  P.  Morton,  the  two  most 
sagacious  statesmen  of  their  day.  He  was  a  brilliant  con 
versationalist  and  a  ready  writer.  Of  many  of  his  letters,  I 
give  one  written  to  me  in  Mexico  soon  after  his  appointment 
to  Paris,  and  his  marriage  in  middle  life,  as  follows :  — 

The  sight  of  your  well-known  handwriting,  coming  from 
so  far,  was  very  pleasant  when  your  kind  note  came  the  other 
day.  Thank  you  for  your  good  wishes.  I  earnestly  hope  that 
your  suggested  visit  to  Europe  will  be  carried  out  while  we 
are  here,  and  that  we  shall  have  the  opportunity  to  aid  in 
making  Paris  agreeable  to  you  and  Mrs.  Foster. 

Ever  since  you  went  away  I  have  heard  from  you  from 
time  to  time,  sometimes  at  long  intervals,  through  the  In 
diana  friends,  especially  Senator  Morton.  It  has  been  pleas 
ant  to  me  to  always  hear  good  things  of  you. 

I  wish  you  had  extended  your  letter  a  little  more  and  told 
me  how  you  like  your  present  residence?  What  kind  of  a 
life  the  Minister  has  in  Mexico?  How  you  live,  whether  in  a 
house  by  yourselves  or  in  the  gregarious  fashion  of  the  Latin 
race  —  a  population  in  a  building.  Whether  there  is  much 
ceremonial  duty  connected  with  your  office?  Do  you  have 
to  entertain  much  ?  How  far  do  you  overrun  your  salary  ?  Is 
the  Legation  constantly  pestered  with  applications  from  our 
people  abroad  who  have  got  into  trouble  ?  Do  you  find  your 
colleagues  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps  an  agreeable  body?  What 
kind  of  a  place  of  residence  is  it,  and  forty-nine  things  I 
would  like  to  hear  from  you  —  things  that  are  now  very 
much  more  interesting  in  the  light  of  my  own  experience 
than  they  would  have  been  before  I  came  away  from  our  own 
people  and  the  plain  and  well-trodden  round  of  affairs  there 
as  you  and  I  know  it.  You  have  long  before  this  become 
perfect  or  at  least  easy  in  your  Spanish, 


146  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

This  city  is  one  that  has  all  that  man  has  invented  to 
make  time  pass  pleasantly  if  one  will  only  pay  for  it.  My 
office  is  light  in  labors  and  has  a  long  train  of  what  are 
almost  forms,  —  what  are  deemed  social  privileges,  dignities, 
and  duties  which  may  be  made  a  pleasure  or  a  weariness. 
Sometimes  the  little  courtesies  connected  with  it  are  delight 
ful —  for  instance  Madame  MacMahon  sent  the  Legation 
tickets  for  the  (Imperial  ?)  opera-box  the  other  evening  —  a 
pretty  thing  for  the  ladies.  After  I  shall  have  become  more 
familiar  with  the  place,  its  duties  and  surroundings,  and 
with  the  French  world,  I  hope  to  have  more  leisure  to  be 
able  to  enjoy  a  thousand  things  in  literature  and  art  that  are 
within  reach  here. 

We  are  living  very  pleasantly  —  housekeeping,  a  thing  I 
have  always  looked  forward  to  with  vague  dread,  but  it 
proves  not  only  easy,  it  is  absolutely  pleasant,  so  perfect 
is  the  training  of  domestics  here.  The  cooking  is,  as  all  the 
world  knows,  the  first  of  the  glories  of  France.  I  believe,  too, 
that  my  entry  upon  domestic  life  has  been  made  easy  by  the 
fact  that  I  had  the  inestimable  good  fortune  to  choose  a 
wife  as  perfect  as  —  you  think  yours  —  can  I  say  more  ?  My 
respects  and  best  wishes  to  Mrs.  Foster. 

From  Paris  I  went  direct  to  St.  Petersburg,  presented  my 
credentials  to  the  Emperor,  and,  as  the  summer  vacation 
had  begun  and  the  official  world  were  leaving  the  Capital, 
I  took  advantage  of  a  sixty  days'  leave  of  absence  granted 
by  the  Department  of  State.  Accompanied  by  my  family, 
I  visited  the  countries  of  western  and  central  Europe,  and 
returned  to  St.  Petersburg  by  way  of  Warsaw  and  Moscow. 

During  this  excursion  I  visited  the  capitals  and  leading 
cities  of  the  countries  indicated,  met  the  ministers  of  foreign 
affairs,  diplomats,  and  public  men,  and  had  an  opportunity 
of  discussing  with  them  political,  commercial,  and  other 
topics.  What  most  interested  and  gratified  me  was  the  ex- 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  147 

pression  on  every  hand  of  wonder  and  praise  of  the  peaceful 
and  prosperous  condition  of  the  United  States  and  the 
healthy  state  of  our  political  and  financial  affairs. 

The  subject  which  chiefly  attracted  attention  was  our 
national  finances.  While  the  governments  of  Europe,  almost 
without  exception,  were  increasing  annually  their  expenses, 
it  was  to  them  most  noteworthy  that  we  continued  year  by 
year  redeeming  and  reducing  the  debt  at  a  rate  unprecedented 
in  history,  and  were  proposing  to  refund  our  loans  at  three  per 
cent,  thus  placing  our  credit  on  a  level  with  that  of  the  most 
stable  and  wealthy  nations  of  the  Old  World.  The  triumph 
ant  results  of  our  Civil  War  did  not  so  strongly  and  favorably 
impress  them  with  the  permanency  of  our  institutions  as 
those  financial  achievements.  As  indicating  the  character  of 
the  public  discussion,  I  quote  from  a  lengthy  editorial  of  the 
period  in  the  St.  Petersburg  "Journal,"  the  Government 
organ,  in  reviewing  the  President's  annual  message:  "The 
most  wonderful  example  of  national  prosperity  is  that  which 
the  United  States  furnish.  While  in  Europe  each  State  does 
not  cease  to  contract  new  obligations,  to  increase  a  burden 
of  debt  already  so  heavy,  the  Unitea  States  year  by  year 
diminish  the  weight  of  theirs  —  they  do  it  rapidly,  about  150 
millions  through  the  budget.  .  .  .  What  a  contrast  between 
the  year  1880  and  the  year  1865.  In  1865  a  people  half- 
ruined,  with  its  bonds  at  48  per  cent  and  a  depreciated  paper 
currency  —  1880,  a  country  whose  credit  rivals  that  of  Great 
Britain.  The  American  Republic  has  advanced  with  the 
stride  of  a  giant." 

My  audience  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  II,  to  deliver  my 
letter  of  credence  from  the  President,  took  place  on  June  10, 
1880.  It  had  been  fixed  for  the  fifth,  but  it  had  to  be  post 
poned  on  account  of  the  death  of  the  Empress,  which  oc 
curred  on  the  third.  The  ceremony  of  the  presentation  of 
Ministers  is  more  simple  than  that  of  Ambassadors  at  the 
Court  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  owing  to  the  death  of  the  Em- 


148  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

press  was  even  more  simple  in  my  case.  I  give  the  details  of 
it  as  written  to  my  wife,  then  in  Paris :  — 

I  went  to  the  Winter  Palace  in  my  own  carriage,  as  is  the 
custom  here,  accompanied  only  by  my  chasseur,  or  official 
servant.  At  the  entrance  I  was  met  by  an  officer  in  uniform 
who  escorted  me  to  the  stairway,  whence  the  under-master  of 
ceremonies  conducted  me  to  the  waiting-room,  where  Prince 
Lieven,  the  chief  master  of  ceremonies,  received  and  enter 
tained  me  until  I  was  called  to  the  Emperor  in  the  adjoining 
room,  within  a  short  time  after  my  arrival.  Prince  Lieven 
accompanied  me  to  the  door  and  there  left  me.  The  door  was 
closed  when  I  had  entered,  and  I  stood  alone  in  the  presence 
of  the  Emperor  and  Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias. 

He  took  my  hand  and  apologized  for  keeping  me  waiting 
a  few  minutes  (is  punctuality  a  royal  virtue?),  as  he  said  he 
had  just  returned  from  a  service  at  the  Cathedral  where  the 
Empress  is  buried.  I  then  handed  him  the  President's  letter 
with  a  few  remarks,  to  which  he  responded  —  all  in  an  in 
formal  manner.  He  referred  to  the  old  friendship  of  the  two 
nations  and  we  exchanged  a  few  phrases  on  that  subject.  He 
asked  me  if  this  was  my  first  visit  to  Russia,  and  with  a  few 
other  commonplace  remarks  the  interview  closed.  His  whole 
manner  was  very  pleasant.  We  shook  hands  again  and  I 
bowed  myself  out,  the  entire  ceremony  not  occupying  more 
than  eight  minutes. 

I  was  met  by  Prince  Lieven,  who  accompanied  me  to  the 
exit,  where  the  next  officer  took  charge  of  me,  and  so  on,  as 
I  came  in,  till  I  reached  my  carriage,  the  soldiers  on  guard 
at  the  stairways  and  in  the  halls  presenting  arms  as  I  passed. 
There  was  less  ceremony  even  than  in  Mexico,  except  that 
all  the  officials  were  in  bright  uniforms  or  liveries.  I  wore  my 
dress-suit,  with  my  army  badges,  mourning  shirt-studs, 
black  gloves,  and  cravat.  I  am  very  glad  my  reception  was 
so  soon  after  the  Empress's  burial.  I  am  told  I  have  been 


FROM  MEXICO  TO  RUSSIA  149 

fortunate  not  to  have  waited  a  month.   The  Government 
have  certainly  been  very  courteous  and  considerate  about  it. 

I  was  very  agreeably  impressed  with  the  Emperor.  His 
personal  appearance  was  quite  attractive.  He  had  an  erect 
and  soldierly  bearing,  expressive  blue  eyes,  and  might  well 
be  described  as  a  handsome  man.  He  possessed  great  grace 
of  manner,  was  affable  and  pleasing  in  conversation.  I  have 
met  no  other  sovereign  with  whom  personal  intercourse  was 
so  cordial  and  agreeable.  The  other  members  of  the  imperial 
family  and  grand  dukes  to  whom  it  was  my  duty  to  pay  my 
respects  had  already  absented  themselves  from  the  Capital, 
and  we  were  not  presented  to  them  until  the  autumn. 

I  found  most  of  my  diplomatic  colleagues  still  at  their 
posts.  There  were  two  points  of  contrast  with  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  of  Mexico  —  first,  it  was  much  more  numerous,  being 
one  of  the  largest  in  Europe ;  and,  second,  there  were  the 
distinct  grades  of  Ambassadors  and  Ministers.  On  the  latter 
I  called  immediately  after  my  presentation  to  the  Emperor. 
To  the  Ambassadors  the  established  practice  required  me  to 
address  each  a  note  asking  them  to  fix  a  time  when  it  would 
be  convenient  for  them  to  receive  me,  which  was  in  almost 
every  case  set  for  the  next  day.  The  special  privileges  which 
attach  to  Ambassadors  were  never  any  serious  embarrass 
ment  to  me,  nor  do  I  think  they  stood  in  the  way  of  my  use 
fulness  to  my  country.  At  the  Foreign  Office,  for  instance,  if 
I  arrived  first,  my  ambassadorial  colleagues  voluntarily 
yielded  me  precedence  in  my  interview  with  the  Minister  of 
State,  and  I  had  with  them  even  more  cordial  and  intimate 
relations  than  with  most  of  my  colleagues  of  the  same  rank. 
I  attribute  this  not  to  any  personal  merits  on  my  part,  but 
to  the  commanding  position  which  the  United  States  had 
attained  in  Europe,  coupled  with  the  high  tone  of  courtesy 
of  my  ambassadorial  associates. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE   DIPLOMATS  AND  THE   RUSSIAN  COURT 

IN  no  capital  of  the  world  during  the  " eighties"  were  there 
more  able  and  distinguished  diplomats  than  those  accredited 
to  the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg.  Probably  not  the  most  astute, 
but  the  most  brilliant,  of  these  was  the  British  Ambassador, 
the  Marquis  of  Dufferin.  This  was  his  first  diplomatic  post, 
but  he  had  already  played  an  important  part  in  public  affairs 
in  Parliament  and  the  Ministry.  He  was  a  student  at  Eton, 
graduated  with  honor  at  Oxford,  and  all  through  life  kept  up 
his  classical  studies ;  for  instance,  while  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  replying  to  an  academic  address  in  Greek.  He  was 
an  enthusiastic  sportsman,  a  good  rider  in  the  chase,  a  water- 
color  artist  of  no  mean  merit,  and  an  author  of  good  repute. 
He  was  an  accomplished  talker,  both  in  conversation  and  on 
the  platform,  and  possessed  of  a  ready  wit  inherited  from  his 
ancestor  Sheridan.  He  had  the  Chesterfield  graces,  was 
admired  by  women,  popular  with  men,  and  a  favorite  in  the 
drawing-room  and  at  Court. 

He  came  from  Canada,  where  he  had  won  much  reputation, 
to  St.  Petersburg  at  a  critical  period  in  the  relations  between 
the  two  Governments.  The  British  fleet  only  recently  had 
prevented  the  Russian  occupation  of  Constantinople,  and  at 
the  Berlin  Conference  Disraeli  had  torn  up  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano ;  Russia  was  pushing  her  advance  in  Asia  uncomfort 
ably  near  the  frontier  of  India ;  there  was  on  the  part  of 
Russia  a  feeling  of  resentment,  and  of  suspicion  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain ;  and  it  was  Bufferings  difficult  role  to  smooth 
the  irritation  of  Russia  and  quiet  the  alarm  in  India.  It  is 
high  praise  to  say  he  discharged  his  task  with  success. 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    151 

From  St.  Petersburg  he  was  transferred  to  Constantinople, 
thence  to  the  vice-royalty  of  India,  again  in  the  diplomatic 
service  at  Rome,  and  he  concluded  his  versatile  official 
career  as  Ambassador  at  Paris,  where  I  was  again  brought 
into  personal  and  official  relations  with  him  during  the 
Anglo-American  Arbitration  of  1893. 

He  had  inherited  with  his  Irish  peerage  a  large  Irish 
estate,  but  between  his  liberal  way  of  living  and  the  landlord- 
tenant  embarrassment  it  was  largely  dissipated.  He  enter 
tained  liberal  views  on  the  latter  question,  but  could  not 
agree  to  the  extreme  demands  of  the  tenants.  Knowing  his 
interest  in  the  subject,  I  gave  him  once  at  St.  Petersburg  an 
article  by  an  American  observer,  and  he  replied,  sending  his 
thanks  for  my  attention,  in  a  lengthy  letter,  in  which  he  re 
futed  the  observations  with  much  force,  showing  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  perplexing  question.  When  he  retired  he 
found  the  pension  allowed  by  his  Government  insufficient  for 
his  needs,  without  revenue  from  his  Irish  estate,  and  he  em 
barked  in  a  business  scheme,  lending  his  name  as  president  to 
an  enterprise  of  which  he  knew  little  and  to  which  he  was  not 
fitted  to  contribute  any  useful  service.  It  proved  a  discredit 
able  failure  and  embittered  the  last  days  of  an  otherwise 
brilliant  and  honorable  life. 

He  was  ably  supported  throughout  his  entire  public  career 
by  Lady  Dufferin,  a  woman  of  many  accomplishments  and 
charms,  much  tact,  great  hospitality,  and  a  humane  spirit. 
From  the  beginning  I  and  my  family  were  made  perfectly 
at  home  in  the  British  Embassy,  and  we  were  much  hi  the 
company  of  its  host  and  hostess. 

One  of  my  colleagues  with  whom  I  formed  a  warm  friend 
ship  was  the  gallant  and  dashing  French  Ambassador,  Gen 
eral  Chanzy.  He  was  in  eveiy  sense  a  soldier,  as  St.  Peters 
burg  was  his  first  and  only  diplomatic  post,  and  that  for  two 
years  only.  Before  the  fall  of  Napoleon  III  and  the  humilia 
tion  of  the  French  arms  in  his  ill-starred  campaign,  Chanzy 


152  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

had  seen  service  in  Algiers,  at  Magenta  and  Solferino,  and  in 
the  Syrian  campaign.  He  had  brought  himself  into  bad  odor 
by  exposure  of  the  corruptions  in  the  War  Office,  and  he  was 
refused  a  command  in  the  Franco-German  War.  But  when 
the  Germans  advanced  upon  Paris,  it  was  Chanzy  who  called 
his  countrymen  to  arms,  hastily  collected  the  Army  of  the 
Loire,  and  heroically  but  vainly  sought  to  drive  back  the 
invader.  In  the  establishment  of  the  Third  Republic,  he  has 
been  styled  the  strong  right  hand  of  Gambetta,  as  it  was  his 
conspicuous  ability  and  military  talent  that  enabled  the 
latter  to  carry  to  success  his  plans.  On  his  return  from  St. 
Petersburg  he  filled  the  important  post  of  Governor  of  Al 
geria  for  six  years,  and  he  died  very  soon  after  Gambetta. 
He  was  a  great  admirer  of  the  United  States,  and  was  always 
anxious  to  hear  my  experiences  in  our  Civil  War. 

The  Austrian  Ambassador,  Count  Kalnoky,  had  been 
trained  in  the  diplomatic  service,  having  entered  it  at  the 
age  of  twenty-two.  After  ten  years  spent  in  London,  he  passed 
to  Rome,  Copenhagen,  and  St.  Petersburg.  After  a  brief  re 
sidence  here  he  was  recalled  to  the  Foreign  Office  at  Vienna, 
and  as  Prime  Minister  of  that  Empire  for  several  years  he 
played  an  important  part  in  the  Triple  Alliance  and  European 
politics.  His  downfall  was  brought  about  in  1895  by  his  de 
votion  to  the  Catholic  Church  and  his  extreme  ultramontane 
views. 

A  very  interesting  character  was  Count  Nigra,  the  Italian 
Ambassador.  He  was  an  ardent  friend  of  Count  Cavour  and 
an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the  New  Italy.  He  left  his 
studies  as  a  youth  in  1848  and  joined  in  the  Sardinian  cam 
paign  against  Austria.  At  the  end  of  the  hostilities  he  en 
tered  the  Foreign  Office,  accompanied  Cavour  to  London  in 
1855,  participated  in  the  negotiations  for  the  Franco-Italian 
alliance  of  1859,  and  followed  the  French  headquarters  in 
that  campaign.  From  1861  to  1876  he  was  the  Italian  repre 
sentative  in  Paris.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  transferred  to 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    153 

St.  Petersburg;  afterwards  served  in  London  and  Vienna, 
and  his  last  public  duty  was  as  the  chief  of  the  Italian  dele 
gation  at  the  Hague  Peace  Conference  of  1899. 

I  was  often  entertained  by  the  narrative  of  his  unique 
experiences  with  Cavour,  in  the  campaigns,  and  his  long  and 
eventful  residence  in  Paris.  One  of  his  narratives  is  so  typical 
of  the  many  brilliant  Russian  women  who  have  played  such  an 
important  part  in  European  politics  that  I  venture  to  repro 
duce  it.  Count  Nigra  relates  that  when  he  went  to  take  leave 
of  Cavour  in  1860,  and  assume  charge  of  the  Sardinian  (after 
wards  Italian)  Legation  in  Paris,  Cavour  said  to  him :  "I  am 
giving  you  a  letter  for  the  Countess  de  Circourt.  Take  it  to 
her  yourself,  and  frequent  her  salon.  This  is  my  final  instruc 
tion  to  you ;  and  if  you  carry  it  out,  you  will  be  able  to  render 
sundry  additional  services  to  our  country,  besides  getting 
profit  and  pleasure  for  yourself." 

Anastasie  Klustine  (Circourt)  was  born  in  Moscow  in  1808, 
the  daughter  of  parents  of  high  rank  of  the  nobility.  Her 
early  years  were  spent  partly  in  Moscow  and  partly  on  the 
family  estate.  First  through  governesses  and  then  from 
tutors,  at  sixteen  she  knew  Russian,  German,  French,  and 
English.  Though  her  health  was  delicate,  she  had  learned 
also  the  ancient  Church-Slavonic,  and  was  studying  religion, 
music,  ethics,  metaphysics,  and  botany.  At  eighteen,  in 
company  with  her  mother,  she  commenced  the  travels  which 
occupied  much  of  her  life.  Up  to  the  date  of  her  marriage  at 
twenty-two,  she  had  spent  much  time  in  Paris,  at  Nice  and 
Geneva,  and  in  Italy,  improving  her  mind  and  adding  to 
her  knowledge  of  languages.  She  was  not  pretty,  but  had  a 
pleasant  face,  elegant  manners,  remarkable  intelligence  and 
education,  and  a  nobility  of  soul  which  attracted  the  atten 
tion  of  distinguished  persons  wherever  she  appeared.  Her 
husband,  Count  Circourt,  was  a  French  nobleman  of  fortune 
and  literary  taste.  After  some  years  spent  in  the  intellectual 
circles  of  Geneva  and  Italy,  and  in  revisiting  Russia,  they 


154  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

established  themselves  at  Paris,  and  during  the  imperial 
regime  of  Napoleon  III,  her  home  was  the  leading  centre  of 
the  political,  literary,  and  artistic  life  of  that  gay  capital, 
probably  the  last  survivor  of  those  salons  which  a  century 
or  two  ago  made  Paris  famous  in  the  intellectual  world. 

Nigra  had  his  political  and  diplomatic  training  under  a 
most  excellent  master,  the  great  Cavour ;  but  he  said  that  in 
the  drawing-room  of  the  Countess  Circourt  he  found  fully 
realized  the  prediction  of  Cavour,  the  meeting-place  of  all 
the  well-known  persons,  men  and  women,  of  all  countries, 
among  her  American  friends  being  our  countrymen  Ticknor 
and  Prescott.  There,  lying  upon  a  sofa,  because  of  a  physical 
infirmity,  she  welcomed  her  distinguished  friends,  and  there 
the  young  Italian  diplomat  received  valuable  training  in 
social  and  political  affairs  for  his  long  public  career.  Nigra 
died  in  1907  while  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference  was 
in  session,  and  it  was  my  sad  duty  to  unite  with  the  Confer 
ence  in  voting  a  memorial  on  my  old  colleague's  demise. 

The  member  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  of  St.  Petersburg  who 
sustained  the  most  intimate  personal  relations  with  Alex 
ander  II  and  exercised  the  greatest  influence  at  Court  was 
General  von  Schweinitz,  the  German  Ambassador,  Dean  of 
the  Corps.  He  spoke  Russian  fluently,  a  rare  accomplishment 
of  a  diplomatist  even  at  that  capital,  was  a  general  of  high 
rank,  and  usually  accompanied  the  Emperor  in  the  military 
reviews  and  often  on  his  hunting  expeditions.  He  possessed  in 
an  unusual  degree  the  confidence  of  Bismarck,  who  for  some 
years  previous  had  occupied  the  same  post.  Before  coming  to 
St.  Petersburg  he  spent  seven  years  at  Vienna,  where  he  met 
and  married  the  daughter  of  John  Jay,  the  American  Min 
ister  at  that  Court.  She  was  an  accomplished  and  attractive 
woman,  a  worthy  representative  of  her  distinguished  lineage. 
My  residence  in  St.  Petersburg  was  immediately  opposite 
that  of  the  German  Ambassador,  and  the  two  families  saw 
much  of  each  other. 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    155 

The  Chinese  Minister,  Marquis  Tseng,  was  a  noted  member 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  His  father  before  him  had  been  an 
important  character  in  Chinese  affairs,  having  taken  a  pro 
minent  part  in  suppressing  the  Taiping  Rebellion  and  in 
the  rearrangement  of  the  Empire.  The  Marquis  had  for  some 
time  filled  the  post  of  Chinese  Minister  in  London,  where  I 
first  met  him,  and  he  was  presented  to  the  Emperor  only  a 
few  weeks  after  my  presentation.  He  came  at  a  critical  period 
in  the  relations  of  the  two  empires.  Russia  was  steadily 
pushing  its  advance  in  Eastern  Asia  and  taking  advantage 
of  every  opportunity  for  encroachments  on  Chinese  territory. 
The  predecessor  of  the  Marquis  had  been  overreached  by 
shrewd  Russian  diplomacy,  and  been  induced  to  sign  a  treaty 
yielding  to  the  claims  of  Russia  for  a  large  part  of  the  Kuldja 
Province.  The  treaty  was  made  in  violation  of  the  Minister's 
instructions,  the  Chinese  Government  refused  to  ratify  it, 
and  the  Minister  on  his  return  home  was  imprisoned  and 
sentenced  to  decapitation.  His  life  was  saved  only  through 
the  remonstrance  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  at  Peking,  who 
explained  to  the  Chinese  rulers  that  in  this  day  an  unfaithful 
diplomatic  representative  was  merely  dismissed  in  disgrace 
from  the  service. 

Marquis  Tseng  was  dispatched  to  St.  Petersburg,  as  the 
most  able  Chinese  diplomatist,  to  accomplish  the  difficult 
task  of  satisfying  the  offended  Russian  Government  and  to 
make  a  new  treaty.  He  had  told  me  in  London  that  he  hoped 
to  be  able  to  have  my  aid  and  counsel.  After  the  negotiations 
were  entered  upon  at  St.  Petersburg,  he  kept  me  informed  of 
the  progress  made,  and  took  a  very  gloomy  view  of  the  situa 
tion,  fearing  his  failure  and  that  war  was  imminent.  At  last, 
after  some  months  had  passed,  he  came  to  me  to  say  that 
affairs  had  reached  such  a  stage  that  he  feared  he  could  go  no 
further  without  my  aid,  and  he  asked  if  I  would,  as  a  great 
service  to  his  Government  and  himself  personally,  see  M.  de 
Giers,  the  Russian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  say  a  word 


156  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

in  favor  of  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  differences,  and  re 
commend  to  the  Russian  Government  a  spirit  of  conciliation 
and  forbearance  towards  China  in  the  pending  negotiations. 
He  felt  sure  that  a  friendly  word  from  me  would  be  of  great 
service  to  China  just  at  that  time,  in  view  of  the  warm  friend 
ship  existing  between  Russia  and  the  United  States  and  of  the 
further  fact  that  my  country  would  not  be  suspected  of  any 
sinister  motive  in  the  suggestions  I  should  make. 

I  told  the  Marquis  that  it  was  a  very  delicate  task  for  me 
to  undertake,  and  that  I  could  only  venture  to  refer  to  the 
subject  as  I  might  have  occasion  incidentally  in  one  of  my 
visits  to  the  Foreign  Office  on  other  business,  if  an  oppor 
tunity  offered. 

Just  at  that  time  I  was  engaged  in  an  animated  discussion 
with  M.  de  Giers  on  the  rights  of  American  Jews  in  Russia, 
and,  in  the  course  of  one  of  our  conversations,  in  answer  to 
my  animadversion  on  race  prejudice,  he  referred  to  the 
treatment  of  the  Chinese  in  the  United  States  as  an  illus 
tration  of  the  difficulty  of  treating  the  race  question.  This 
enabled  me  to  mention  the  satisfactory  termination  the  year 
before  of  the  treaty  negotiations  between  the  United  States 
and  China  on  the  labor  question,  and  to  follow  it  up  with  a 
statement  of  the  deep  and  growing  interest  which  our  country 
felt  in  the  maintenance  of  peace  among  the  nations  of  Eastern 
Asia,  on  account  of  the  development  of  our  Pacific  States  and 
of  American  commerce  through  them ;  and  I  expressed  the 
hope  that  the  negotiations  which  I  understood  were  now 
pending  between  Russia  and  China  would  have  a  like  peaceful 
and  satisfactory  conclusion. 

M.  de  Giers  listened  to  me  with  interest  and  expressed 
himself  as  highly  gratified  to  have  an  opportunity  to  talk 
with  me  on  the  subject.  He  understood  how  great  an  interest 
the  United  States  as  a  commercial  nation  had  in  the  main 
tenance  of  peace  in  those  regions,  and  he  assured  me  that 
the  Russian  Government  was  desirous  of  coming  to  an  ami- 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    157 

cable  arrangement  with  China  and  had  no  disposition  to  be 
harsh  or  to  exact  inconvenient  conditions.  After  explaining 
in  some  detail  the  situation  of  the  negotiations,  he  remarked 
jocosely  that  as  the  former  Chinese  Minister  was  condemned 
to  decapitation  for  making  his  treaty,  the  present  Minister 
appeared  solicitous  to  act  so  that  when  he  returned  to  China 
he  would  not  have  his  head  cut  off ! 

Marquis  Tseng  was  successful  in  negotiating  and  signing 
a  treaty  satisfactory  to  his  Government,  and  for  which  he 
gained  much  credit  at  home  and  abroad.  To  what  extent  my 
action  contributed  to  that  result  I  cannot  say ;  the  Marquis 
at  least  expressed  his  gratitude  to  me ;  and  when  I  visited 
China  fourteen  years  later  I  found  that  my  relations  at  St. 
Petersburg  contributed  to  the  warmth  of  my  reception  at 
Peking.  It  was  the  beginning  of  an  intercourse  with  the  rulers 
of  that  Empire  which  continued  throughout  my  public  life. 

The  most  distinguished  and  accomplished  diplomatist 
(using  the  term  in  its  strict  sense,  for  he  could  hardly  be 
called  a  great  statesman)  I  have  ever  met  was  Prince  Alex 
ander  Gortchakoff,  Chancellor  of  the  Russian  Empire.  On 
my  arrival  in  St.  Petersburg  he  was  still  the  nominal  chief 
of  the  Foreign  Office,  and  our  official  communications  were 
addressed  to  him,  though  the  answers  were  signed  by  M.  de 
Giers,  "directing  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs/'  as  for 
some  years  he  had  ceased  to  have  any  active  participation  in 
affairs  of  state,  except  on  rare  occasions.  A  short  time  after 
my  arrival,  in  a  call  at  the  Foreign  Office,  I  inquired  of  Baron 
Jomini,  the  Under-Secretary,  about  the  Prince's  health.  He 
answered  that  he  was  not  well  and  that  he  never  would  be 
better;  that  he  was  permanently  retired  from  public  life; 
that  his  spirits  were  completely  broken  when  the  late  war 
with  Turkey  was  resolved  upon,  to  which  he  was  strongly 
opposed ;  that  he  felt  the  great  need  of  Russia  was  peace  in 
order  to  repair  her  finances  and  develop  the  resources  of  the 
country ;  that  his  advice  was  not  followed,  and  since  that  time 


158  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

he  had  been  a  disappointed  man,  broken  down  both  in  health 
and  spirits.  He  never  appeared  in  public  during  my  time,  but 
I  had  two  interesting  interviews  with  him  at  his  own  re 
sidence,  and  while  I  found  him  suffering  from  the  gout  and 
feeble  physically,  his  mind  seemed  bright  and  strong,  and  he 
evinced  still  that  vivacity  and  wit  for  which  he  was  so  famous. 

Gortchakoff  was  the  best  type  in  his  day  of  the  trained 
diplomatist.  Born  of  a  princely  family  which  claimed  descent 
from  Rurik,  he  received  the  best  education  attainable  in 
Russia.  He  spoke  and  wrote  French  with  versatility  and 
elegance  and  was  a  good  German  and  Italian  scholar.  He 
conversed  with  me  in  English,  but  with  some  hesitation.  As 
a  young  secretary  he  attended  the  congresses  of  Laybach 
and  Verona,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  and 
was  able  to  avail  himself  so  early  of  the  precepts  of  those 
able  masters,  Pozzo  di  Borgo  and  Metternich.  His  name  is 
associated  with  another  illustrious  chancellor,  though  Bis 
marck  was  a  mere  lad  when  Gortchakoff  had  already  achieved 
fame  as  a  dexterous  negotiator.  He  was  called  to  the  charge 
of  the  Foreign  Office  in  succession  to  that  other  great  Russian 
diplomatist,  Nesselrode,  in  1856,  after  active  participation  in 
the  Paris  Conference. 

The  standard  of  his  profession  in  that  period  required  edu 
cation  and  genius,  training  in  its  duties,  talent  as  a  negotiator, 
cyclopaedic  intelligence,  knowledge  of  several  languages, — 
with  ability  to  speak  them  without  raising  a  smile,  —  mastery 
of  a  smoothly  gliding  and  if  need  be  ambiguous  verbiage,  but 
a  capacity  for  plain  and  firm  language  when  required,  ready 
wit,  a  knowledge  of  men  and  women,  a  taste  for  worldly 
pleasures,  and  the  primary  elements  of  statesmanship.  These 
Gortchakoff1  possessed  in  greater  measure  than  any  other  man 
of  his  time,  and  this  explains  the  ascendancy  which  he  so 
long  and  so  effectively  exercised  over  the  foreign  relations 
of  his  Empire. 

The  chief  defect  of  his  character  was  his  great  vanity,  but 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    159 

that  was  a  natural  result  of  his  great  success  and  of  the  army 
of  flatterers  who  surrounded  him.  Sir  Horace  Rumbold,  the 
British  diplomat,  who  saw  much  of  him  in  his  prime,  says  he 
was  the  wittiest  man  he  ever  met,  and  that  he  seldom  came 
away  from  him  without  some  good  saying  which  he  did  not 
fail  to  communicate  to  Lord  Clarendon.  He  repeats  a  current 
story  concerning  a  personage  who  attained  notoriety  in 
Washington  during  President  Grant's  Administration.  Rum- 
bold  writes:  "The  petits  ministeres,  as  his  [Gortchakoffs]  in 
timates  in  the  Imperial  Chancellerie  were  termed,  partly 
owed  their  standing  with  him  to  unblushing  adulation.  A 
good  story  was  told  of  Catacazy,  the  cleverest  and  least  repu 
table  of  them,  whom  he  sent  to  Washington  and  had  to  recall 
on  account  of  his  attempts  to  embroil  us  with  the  United 
States.  This  Russo-Greek  had  entangled  himself  with  a  lady 
of  Jewish  extraction,  of  the  romantic  appellation  of  Fitz- 
james  de  Berwick,  whom  he  was  foolish  enough  to  marry, 
to  his  patron  the  Chancellor's  great  disgust.  Henceforward, 
the  Chancellor  said  to  him, '  You  are  lost  for  me  in  the  crowd  P 
'Of  your  Highness's  admirers/  was  the  ready  reply.  This  the 
Prince  could  not  resist.  '  You  are  a  man  of  wit,'  he  said  to 
the  wily  Catacazy;  'come  and  dine  with  me  this  evening.' " 
But  Catacazy's  flattery  did  not  save  him  from  permanent 
retirement  because  of  his  Washington  conduct. 

The  Russian  official  with  whom  I  naturally  had  most  to 
do  was  M.  de  Giers,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  entered 
that  office  at  the  age  of  eighteen  as  a  clerk.  He  served  as 
Minister  in  Switzerland,  Sweden,  and  Prussia,  and  in  1875 
became  Assistant  Minister  under  Gortchakoff,  and  during  the 
last  years  of  Alexander  II  was  the  real  Minister.  He  tendered 
his  resignation  to  Alexander  III  at  the  same  time  with  Loris 
Melikoff,  as  he  shared  in  his  liberal  views,  but  the  Emperor 
did  not  see  fit  to  accept  it.  He  was  thoroughly  conversant 
with  the  business  and  traditions  of  his  office,  he  was  vigil 
ant,  prudent,  active,  unambitious,  and  obedient  —  qualities 


160  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

which  the  new  Emperor  appreciated,  and  he  retained  him  to 
the  close  of  his  reign.  He  did  not  possess  brilliant  qualities, 
but  he  proved  a  most  useful  public  servant.  My  relations 
with  him  were  most  pleasant  and  cordial,  and  I  heartily 
indorse  Lord  Dufferin's  estimate  of  him,  written  after  De 
Giers's  death,  as  "one  of  the  most  moderate,  sensible,  and 
straightforward  statesmen  I  have  ever  known." 

One  of  my  nearest  neighbors  in  St.  Petersburg  was  His 
Serene  Highness,  Prince  Lieven,  Grand  Master  of  Ceremonies, 
his  palace  being  nearly  opposite  my  residence,  and  our  fami 
lies,  finding  much  that  was  congenial  in  tastes,  saw  a  good 
deal  of  each  other.  He  was  greatly  interested  in  the  develop 
ment  of  our  country,  and  was  frequently  asking  me  questions 
as  to  its  growth  and  productions.  I  remember,  for  instance, 
his  amazement  at  the  statistics  I  gave  him,  at  his  request,  of 
the  annual  yield  of  Indian  corn,  which  he  said  was  almost 
incredible.  He  was  a  Protestant,  his  family  coming  from  one 
of  the  German  provinces,  quite  a  devout  Christian,  and  he 
manifested  as  much  interest  as  his  high  position  would  per 
mit  in  the  evangelistic  movement  in  the  Greek  Church,  to 
which  I  refer  in  the  next  chapter. 

His  family  is  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  European 
nobility  and  figures  prominently  in  the  "Almanach  de 
Gotha."  They  are  Livonians,  and  trace  their  ancestry  back  in 
an  unbroken  line  to  a  feudal  baron  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
They  gained  their  first  prominence  in  Russian  society  owing 
to  the  fact  that  the  wife  of  Count  Otto  Lieven  was  the  gov 
erness  of  the  children  of  the  Czar  Paul,  —  Alexander,  Con- 
stantine,  and  Nicholas,  —  who  regarded  her  as  their  second 
mother.  But  the  most  famous  member  of  the  family  was  the 
wife  of  Prince  Lieven,  Ambassador  of  Russia  in  Berlin,  Lon 
don,  and  Paris  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
Probably  no  other  woman  connected  with  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  of  Europe  made  herself  so  distinguished  for  her  talents 
and  influence.  A  son  of  the  Prince  Lieven  of  my  acquaintance 


DIPLOMATS  AND  THE  RUSSIAN  COURT    161 

commanded  a  vessel  of  the  Russian  squadron  at  Port  Arthur 
in  the  late  war,  successfully  ran  his  ship  through  the  Japanese 
fleet,  and  escaped  with  her  to  Saigon. 

My  association  with  the  men  whose  career  I  have  briefly 
sketched  was  a  profitable  and  interesting  experience,  as  I 
was  thus  brought  into  personal  contact  with  statesmen  who 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  important  political  affairs  of 
Europe  and  whose  relation  to  those  of  an  earlier  generation 
covered  the  events  of  the  Old  World  throughout  the  nine 
teenth  century. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  in  St.  Petersburg  I  also  became 
cognizant  of  a  phase  of  monarchical  life  which  seemed  strange 
to  one  educated  in  the  republican  simplicity  of  the  New 
World.  I  have  mentioned  the  death  of  the  Empress  a  few 
days  after  my  arrival.  She  was  a  German  princess  of  unex 
ceptionable  character,  and  his  biographer  records  that  the 
marriage  to  her  of  Alexander  II  "was  wholly  a  love-match, 
the  young  prince  having  made  his  own  choice  among  a  host 
of  German  princesses."  For  many  years  the  marriage  proved 
a  happy  one,  and  there  came  to  them  a  group  of  several  sons 
and  a  daughter.  After  these  had  grown  to  manhood  the 
Emperor  contracted  a  friendship  for  another  woman  whom 
he  made  his  mistress,  and  so  open  was  this  alliance  that  it 
became  known  throughout  Europe.  During  the  last  illness 
of  the  Empress,  this  mistress  and  her  imperial  children  were 
living  in  the  Winter  Palace,  where  the  former  lay  dying.  The 
Russian  Princess  Radziwill  is  authority  for  the  statement 
that  they  occupied  rooms  in  the  palace  directly  "over  those 
of  the  Empress,  and  that  she  could  hear  the  children  of  her 
rival  run  and  play  above  her  head." 

Although  by  an  imperial  ukase  a  general  mourning  for  the 
Empress  of  six  months  had  been  decreed,  the  Emperor  within 
six  weeks  of  her  death  celebrated  a  morganatic  marriage  with 
this  mistress.  I  had  been  instructed  by  cable  to  communicate 
to  the  Emperor  the  condolence  of  the  President  on  the  great 


162  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

loss  sustained  in  the  death  of  the  Empress,  and  I  was  to  add 
that  "the  President  trusts  that  His  Majesty  will  bear  this 
dispensation  with  the  fortitude  which  he  has  shown  under  all 
the  severe  trials  of  his  reign."  The  hasty  marriage  showed 
that  His  Majesty  had  a  source  of  consolation  not  counted  on 
by  the  President. 

These  events  were  the  most  animated  subject  of  general 
conversation  in  court  and  diplomatic  circles  during  the  first 
months  of  my  residence.  A  newspaper  correspondent  at  St. 
Petersburg  of  high  standing,  in  recording  the  events  attend 
ing  the  morganatic  marriage,  stated  that  it  was  "generally 
looked  upon  here  as  the  act  of  a  thorough  gentleman,"  and 
that  it  had  "produced  an  agreeable  sensation,  it  being  but 
too  well  known  how  sovereigns  have  frequently  disposed  of 
their  loving  friends." 

An  imperial  ukase  was  issued  to  the  Russian  Senate  in 
forming  that  body  of  the  marriage  and  directing  that  the 
wife  be  given  the  title  of  Princess,  with  inheritance  of  the 
rank  by  her  children.  But  the  ukase  was  never  published, 
she  had  no  public  position  at  Court,  and  will  have  none  in  the 
Russian  dynasty.  By  the  Emperor's  will  she  became  one  of 
the  wealthiest  women  in  Europe,  a  single  item  of  her  estate 
being  eighteen  millions  of  roubles  in  London  banks.  Upon 
the  accession  to  the  throne  of  Alexander  III  she  left  Russia, 
as  reported,  under  a  decree  of  perpetual  banishment.  It  was 
a  consoling  reflection  for  me  that  the  people  of  my  country 
had  not  yet  reached  such  a  standard  of  social  culture  as  to 
tolerate  similar  conduct  on  the  part  of  their  President  in  the 
White  House. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,    POLITICAL  AND   SOCIAL 

ONE  of  my  predecessors  at  the  Russian  Court,  who  called  on 
me  in  New  York  before  sailing,  told  me  that  I  would  have 
very  little  to  do  in  the  Legation ;  that  I  might  have  to  go  to 
the  Foreign  Office  about  once  a  month  to  get  a  poor  American 
Jew  out  of  trouble ;  but  that  I  would  find  little  else  of  an 
official  character  to  occupy  my  time.  This  was  hardly  an 
accurate  statement  of  the  business  of  the  Legation,  as  it  was 
not  found  by  me  to  be  an  idle  post,  but  his  prognostication  as 
to  the  Jewish  question  proved  correct. 

On  my  arrival  in  St.  Petersburg  there  was  awaiting  me  a 
dispatch  from  Secretary  Evarts,  occasioned  by  a  call  on  him 
by  certain  prominent  citizens  representing  the  American 
Hebrew  congregations,  requesting  that  "the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  St.  Petersburg  may  be  instructed  to  make 
such  representations  to  the  Czar's  Government,  in  the  inter 
est  of  religious  freedom  and  suffering  humanity,  as  will  best 
accord  with  the  most  emphasized  liberal  sentiments  of  the 
American  people."  The  dispatch  instructed  me  that  I  could 
only  approach  the  Russian  Government  on  the  question  when 
the  laws  of  that  country  injuriously  affected  American  citi 
zens,  but  in  doing  so  it  was  the  desire  of  the  President  that 
my  action  should  be  consistent  with  the  theory  of  religious 
freedom  on  which  our  Government  was  founded. 

I  also  found  that  the  charge'  ad  interim  had  already  on  his 
hands  the  case  of  an  American  Jew  expelled  from  St.  Peters 
burg  under  circumstances  of  peculiar  hardship.  Henry  Pinkos, 
an  Israelite  and  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  engaged  in 
small  trade  in  that  city,  was  ordered  by  the  police  to  leave 


164  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  city  at  once,  and  he  was  told  that  all  foreign  Jews  had 
been  ordered  to  depart,  the  order  being  issued  soon  after  the 
explosion  in  the  Winter  Palace,  with  which  it  was  charged 
that  certain  Jews  were  concerned.  The  American  Consul- 
General  obtained  from  the  police  a  delay  of  three  days,  and 
as  no  steamer  was  sailing  a  further  delay  of  a  week  was 
granted,  and  by  application  to  the  Foreign  Office  three 
months  were  allowed  him  to  settle  up  his  business. 

At  the  end  of  that  time  he  sold  his  little  property  at  a 
sacrifice  and  prepared  to  leave  Russia.  Having  paid  his 
passage  and  sent  his.  luggage  on  board  a  vessel  at  Cronstadt, 
he  was  making  ready  to  depart  with  his  family  when  he  was 
asked  by  the  police  for  his  passport.  He  showed  them  the 
indorsement  ordering  him  to  leave  St.  Petersburg,  which  he 
supposed  to  be  sufficient.  The  police  told  him  it  was  not,  and 
sent  him  and  his  family  back  to  St.  Petersburg  to  procure 
the  required  permission.  The  ship  sailed  without  him,  carry 
ing  off  his  baggage,  and  forfeiting  his  passage-money.  He 
found  himself  penniless  in  a  foreign  city  and  was  indebted 
to  private  charity  for  the  means  to  leave  the  country,  which 
he  did  by  the  next  London  vessel. 

Soon  thereafter  a  second  Jewish  case  arose.  A  Mr.  Wilczyn- 
ski,  the  agent  of  an  American  mercantile  firm  having  much 
business  in  Russia,  entered  the  country  with  an  American 
passport  duly  visaed,  and  reached  St.  Petersburg  without 
obstruction.  Not  long  after  his  arrival  he  was  ordered  by  the 
police  to  leave  the  city,  the  reason  alleged  being  that  he 
was  a  Jew,  and  the  following  indorsement  was  placed  upon 
the  passport  signed  by  the  police  officer:  "The  bearer  of  this 
passport,  a  North  American  citizen,  a  merchant,  and  a 
Jew,  Marx  Wilczynski,  is  forbidden  to  reside  in  St.  Peters 
burg." 

Wilczynski  presented  himself  at  the  American  Legation 
in  Berlin  to  make  his  complaint,  alleging  that  he  had  to 
leave  St.  Petersburg  with  such  precipitancy  that  he  had  no 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    165 

time  to  apply  to  the  Legation  in  the  latter  city  for  advice 
and  assistance. 

These  two  cases  formed  the  basis  of  the  exchange  of 
various  notes  between  the  Legation  and  the  Foreign  Office, 
and  of  several  interviews  by  me  with  the  Ministers  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  of  the  Interior,  and  of  Worship.  Our  Government 
based  its  intervention  in  these  cases  upon  its  duty  to  follow 
with  its  protection  all  of  its  citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  not 
to  allow  any  religious  test  to  be  a  bar  to  that  protection.  We 
also  insisted  that  under  our  treaty  with  Russia  American 
citizens  were  guaranteed  the  right  to  reside  in  all  parts  of 
that  country  and  enjoy  the  same  security  and  protection  as 
Russian  subjects. 

In  reply,  M.  de  Giers,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  held 
that  the  right  of  Americans  to  enter  and  reside  in  Russia 
was  subject  to  the  provision  in  the  treaty,  "on  condition  of 
their  submitting  to  the  laws  and  ordinances  there  prevail 
ing/'  which  in  the  case  of  American  Jews  meant  that  they 
were  subject  to  the  same  restrictions  as  were  imposed  upon 
Russian  Jews.  M.  de  Giers  urged  that  the  Jewish  question 
was  a  very  vexatious  and  difficult  one,  and  that  in  Russia  it 
could  not  be  treated  as  an  abstract  question,  as  it  was  com 
plicated  with  a  long  series  of  legislative  acts  and  regulations, 
the  strong  prejudices  of  the  masses  of  the  Russian  people, 
the  bad  character  of  great  numbers  of  the  Jewish  race,  and 
various  political  and  social  circumstances.  He  stated  that 
the  Jewish  subjects,  almost  exclusively  Polish,  were  generally 
a  bad  class  of  society,  largely  engaged  in  smuggling  and  ille 
gal  commercial  transactions,  and  active  in  the  revolutionary 
conspiracies  and  plots  against  the  Emperor's  life. 

He  said  there  wras  every  disposition  to  enforce  the  laws 
as  leniently  as  possible  against  American  Jews,  especially  as 
they  were  few  and  usually  of  the  better  class ;  but  owing  to 
the  large  number  of  German  and  Austrian  Jews  on  the  border 
it  was  difficult  to  repeal  or  relax  the  laws.  And  the  fact  was 


166  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

that  after  my  remonstrances  in  the  cases  of  Pinkos  and  Wil- 
czynski,  I  had  no  further  complaints  from  my  Hebrew  fellow 
citizens.  Wilczynski  was  offered  a  permit  for  six  months  to 
visit  St.  Petersburg,  with  the  understanding  that  another 
six  months  would  be  granted,  if  desired,  and  General  Loris 
Melikoff,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  assured  me  that  on  my 
application  he  would  give  American  Jews  all  the  time  I  might 
ask. 

In  the  course  of  my  interviews  with  these  imperial  minis 
ters  they  received  in  the  most  friendly  spirit  my  representa 
tions  as  to  the  harshness  and  antiquated  character  of  their 
laws  against  the  Jews ;  they  freely  admitted  that  they  were 
not  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  that  they 
were  desirous  of  conforming  the  code  more  nearly  to  the  pre 
sent  stage  of  civilization,  but  they  found  the  project  sur 
rounded  by  many  difficulties  to  which  other  nations  were  not 
subjected.  Neither  did  they  fail  to  retort  that  few  nations 
were  free  from  race  prejudice,  and  asked  me  if  we  were  not 
finding  some  embarrassment  in  the  coming  of  Chinese  to  our 
country.  (Just  at  that  time  the  people  of  California  were  in 
the  midst  of  the  " Sand-lot"  labor  agitation.) 

During  the  pendency  of  this  discussion  I  made  considerable 
effort  to  ascertain  what  were  the  laws  in  force  relative  to  the 
Jews.  I  was  given  a  large  volume,  of  nearly  twelve  hundred 
pages,  in  the  Russian  language,  which  I  was  informed  re 
lated  exclusively  to  legislation  governing  the  Jews,  but  I 
could  find  no  digest,  and  it  was  difficult  to  ascertain  just  what 
laws  were  in  force  and  what  obsolete.  I  found,  however,  that 
by  this  large  mass  of  ukases,  decrees,  and  police  orders,  the 
Jews  were  confined  to  a  restricted  portion  of  territory  in  the 
southwest  of  the  Empire;  that  even  within  this  territory 
their  habitation  was  prescribed,  their  avocations  in  life  were 
minutely  enumerated,  and  beyond  this  list  they  could  not 
trespass,  whatever  might  be  their  tastes  or  desires;  that 
their  education  and  religion  were  regulated  by  governmental 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL     167 

interference  and  surveillance ;  that  they  could  not  change 
their  residence  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire  without  previous 
application  to  the  highest  authorities,  and  that  only  bankers 
and  capitalists  were  granted  permission,  and  they  only  to 
reside  in  the  Capital  and  a  few  other  designated  cities ;  and  to 
aggravate  the  situation,  free  emigration  to  foreign  countries 
was  prohibited,  under  pain  of  Siberian  imprisonment.  In  my 
examination  I  did  not  find  that  M.  de  Giers's  charge  that 
Jews  were  active  in  revolutionary  conspiracies  and  plots 
against  the  Emperor's  life  was  largely  true,  but  recalling 
this  code  and  remembering  the  wrongs  and  outrages  which 
they  had  suffered,  my  wonder  was  that  more  Israelites  were 
not  found  in  the  Nihilist  ranks. 

The  Emperor  Nicholas  I  had  been  quite  severe  in  the  en 
forcement  of  the  Jewish  laws  and  restrictions,  but  during  the 
reign  of  Alexander  II  they  had  been  greatly  relaxed.  For  in 
stance,  under  the  then  existing  regulations  only  a  very  limited 
number  of  this  race,  a  few  merchants,  bankers,  and  profes 
sional  men,  were  permitted  to  reside  in  St.  Petersburg,  but  I 
was  informed  on  reliable  authority  that,  in  1880,  while  only 
about  fifteen  hundred  Jews  were  registered  by  the  police, 
the  number  of  Jewish  residents  amounted  to  thirty  thousand ; 
that  while  the  Government  did  not  recognize  their  legal  exist 
ence,  there  were  nine  synagogues  in  the  city ;  and  that  while 
only  one  Hebrew  school  was  registered,  there  were  over  three 
thousand  children  in  unauthorized  schools. 

During  my  residence  the  country  was  several  times  dis 
graced  by  Jewish  massacres,  some  of  them  only  a  little  less 
revolting  than  the  later  one  at  Kishineff,  which  so  horrified 
the  civilized  world.  It  was  plain  to  me  then  that  the  country 
must  pay  dearly  in  the  end  for  the  unjust  treatment  of  six 
millions  of  its  people.  The  disorders  in  the  Empire  which 
have  followed  the  Russo-Japanese  War  are  in  some  measure 
due  to  the  cruel  and  unwise  Jewish  policy  extending  through 
generations  of  time. 


168  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

I  was  early  made  acquainted  officially  with  an  institution 
which  was  a  novelty  in  my  republican  experience,  the  cen 
sorship  of  the  mails.  The  American  Consul-General  found 
that  his  newspaper  mail  was  being  tampered  with  and  some 
of  it  withheld  at  the  St.  Petersburg  post-office.  In  this  case 
it  was  occasioned  by  the  failure  of  the  publishers,  in  the 
United  States,  of  the  papers  withheld  to  comply  with  the 
post-office  regulation  as  to  registry  and  permission  to  circu 
late  in  Russia.  The  detention  of  the  papers  addressed  to  the 
Consul-General  at  once  ceased  upon  a  representation  of 
the  Legation  to  the  Foreign  Office.  A  strict  censorship  of  the 
mail  matter  of  private  individuals  was  maintained.  The  let 
ters  and  papers  were  rarely  destroyed  or  detained,  but  it  was 
a  common  practice  of  the  censors  to  deface  and  make  illegible 
any  article  in  a  foreign  newspaper  which  was  regarded  as  sedi 
tious  or  injurious  to  the  Government.  It  was  a  frequent  habit 
of  the  American  and  other  resident  subscribers  of  the  London 
" Times,"  for  instance,  to  come  to  the  Legation  to  read  in  its 
copy  of  the  " Times"  the  article  which  had  been  censorized 
and  blurred  at  the  post-office. 

In  almost  all  respects  there  was  a  complete  contrast  be 
tween  the  social  conditions  which  attended  our  long  residence 
in  Mexico  and  those  which  we  found  at  St.  Petersburg.  Here 
there  was  practically  no  American  society:  two  or  three 
American  women  married  to  Russian  officials,  an  occasional 
American  contractor  with  his  family,  without  permanent 
residence,  and  a  single  American  commercial  house,  that  of 
Ropes  &  Co.  of  Boston.  The  manager  of  this  old  firm,  Mr. 
George  H.  Prince,  a  highly  estimable  old  gentleman,  had 
spent  forty  and  more  years  in  St.  Petersburg  and  had  enjoyed 
the  acquaintance  of  a  long  list  of  American  Ministers,  his 
reminiscences  of  whom  were  very  interesting. 

In  compensation  for  the  smallness  of  the  American  colony, 
there  were  quite  a  number  of  British  bankers,  merchants,  and 
manufacturers  with  their  families,  to  whom  we  were  intro- 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    169 

duced  largely  through  the  hospitable  British  Embassy,  and 
we  established  with  them  very  pleasant  relations.  In  that 
distant  land  we  all  seemed  members  of  one  great  English 
family. 

Humboldt  said  a  century  ago  that  Mexico  was  the  best 
built  city  in  the  western  hemisphere,  and  it  was  even  so 
before  the  foundations  of  St.  Petersburg  were  laid.  But  the 
latter  far  surpassed  it  in  our  day  in  the  breadth  and  attract 
iveness  of  its  avenues,  the  extent  and  imposing  character 
of  its  public  buildings,  palaces,  and  private  residences,  and 
in  its  activity  and  commercial  importance.  The  Neva  in  its 
volume  of  water  is  the  most  majestic  river  in  Europe.  With 
its  many  channels  and  islands  it  adds  greatly  to  the  attract 
iveness  of  the  city  and  its  suburbs.  The  drive  about  the 
islands,  forming  a  series  of  city  parks,  is  one  of  the  most 
charming  in  the  world. 

The  outdoor  amusements  and  sports  were  quite  in  con 
trast  to  the  excursion  parties  in  the  Valley  or  across  the 
mountains  in  the  genial  climate  of  Mexico.  Winter  is  the  sea 
son  of  amusements  and  social  engagements  in  Russia.  With 
its  coming  St.  Petersburg  is  transformed  into  a  new  city  in  its 
mantle  of  snow.  Even  the  horses  seem  to  take  on  new  life ; 
the  sleighs  which  crowd  the  streets  are  whisked  about  with 
lightning  speed.  The  deep-flowing  Neva  is  converted  into 
a  frozen  thoroughfare  covered  with  sledges,  and  even  with 
the  encampments  of  the  Laplanders,  who  drive  a  thriving 
trade ;  the  pontoon  bridges  are  withdrawn,  and  their  places 
taken  by  icy  lanes  flanked  by  transplanted  pine  trees. 

The  long  nights  and  the  short  days  of  that  high  latitude 
necessarily  make  darkness  the  time  for  the  great  variety  of 
amusements  to  which  the  people  are  addicted.  The  younger 
members  of  our  family  found  much  enjoyment  in  the  skating- 
parties  in  the  private  parks  reserved  for  the  nobility  and  the 
Diplomatic  Corps,  the  grounds  beautifully  illuminated  and 
the  skaters  moving  to  the  melody  of  a  band  of  music  detailed 


170  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

for  the  purpose,  while  hot  tea  and  sandwiches  were  served 
from  adjacent  booths. 

An  outdoor  sport  of  the  Swiss  ice-hills,  somewhat  resem 
bling  tobogganing  but  more  exhilarating,  was  much  in  fash 
ion.  It  was  quite  the  custom  for  the  diplomats  and  others 
to  make  up  parties  for  those  places,  situated  several  miles 
outside  the  city.  The  " hills"  and  the  grounds  were  illum 
inated  with  Chinese  lanterns  and  Bengal  lights;  a  band  of 
music  was  often  a  part  of  the  amusement,  even  though  the 
thermometer  stood  below  zero  Fahrenheit,  hot  tea  and  re 
freshments  were  served  in  the  open,  or  in  a  sheltered  room 
of  the  "hills,"  and  after  midnight  an  elaborate  supper  was 
served  in  an  adjoining  room,  the  entertainment  sometimes 
concluding  with  a  small  dance  and  a  return  home  at  a  some 
what  late  hour  of  the  morning. 

A  troika  party  was  a  similar  amusement.  A  number  of 
sleighs,  drawn  by  three  fleet  horses  abreast,  and  holding  four 
persons  each,  made  up  the  company.  A  long  drive  of  two 
hours  or  more  was  made  in  the  clear,  crisp  atmosphere,  to 
a  popular  restaurant  up  near  the  Finland  frontier ;  a  supper 
was  served  after  midnight  to  satisfy  the  appetite  sharpened 
by  the  long  open-air  ride,  which  was  concluded  by  an  ex 
hibition  of  Gypsy  dancers  or,  in  lieu  of  them,  a  dance  by  the 
young  people  of  the  party.  As  from  the  "ice-hills,"  a  return 
home  was  made  early,  or  rather  late,  in  the  morning.  The 
rapid,  smooth-gliding  motion  of  the  sleigh,  the  broad  expanse 
of  pure  white  snow,  the  brilliant  starlight  of  that  clear  north 
ern  climate,  made  the  excursion  for  even  us,  unacclimated 
foreigners,  an  exhilarating  sport  and  a  pleasing  contrast  to 
the  scenes  to  which  we  had  been  accustomed  in  far-away 
Mexico. 

Owing  to  the  death  of  the  Empress,  followed  some  months 
after  by  the  assassination  of  the  Emperor,  the  Winter  Palace 
was  closed  to  festivities  during  the  greater  part  of  my  re 
sidence  in  St.  Petersburg.  I  had  occasion  to  remark  that  my 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    171 

duties  during  that  time  were  chiefly  in  attending  imperial 
funerals  and  services  for  the  repose  of  the  souls  of  the  dead ! 
Because  of  the  Court  mourning  the  society  of  the  Capital  was 
not  so  gay  as  usual,  but  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  among 
the  nobility  many  quiet  dinners  were  given,  more  even  than 
when  balls  and  receptions  were  the  rule.  In  that  way  we  had 
the  opportunity  of  meeting  more  of  the  distinguished  per 
sonages  and  coming  in  closer  contact  with  them  than  under 
ordinary  circumstances.  In  no  capital  of  Europe  is  there 
found  a  more  hospitable  society  than  that  of  St.  Petersburg. 
The  members  of  the  nobility  and  of  the  higher  classes  are 
usually  well  educated  and  refined,  and  more  accomplished  in 
foreign  languages  than  those  of  other  countries. 

On  leaving  my  home  in  Indiana  for  my  post  at  St.  Peters 
burg  I  was  given  a  number  of  letters  of  introduction  to  per 
sons  of  high  station  in  that  city  by  a  prominent  citizen  of  my 
State  with  whom  I  had  had  an  acquaintance  of  several  years' 
standing,  Mr.  Barnabas  C.  Hobbs.  He  was  an  active  and 
influential  member  of  the  Society  of  the  Friends  (Quakers), 
and  had  made  a  journey  to  Russia  the  year  before  as  the 
representative  of  his  society  to  seek  some  relief  from  the  mili 
tary  and  other  exactions  of  the  Government  for  his  co-relig 
ionists,  the  Mennonites  and  Stundists.  The  simplicity  of 
his  manners  and  dress,  his  intelligence,  and  devotion  to  his 
cause,  won  for  him  great  favor.  The  Emperor  gave  him  an 
audience  and  lent  a  willing  ear  to  his  appeal,  and  he  made 
many  acquaintances,  among  the  members  of  the  nobility,  of 
piety  and  humane  views. 

The  letters  which  Mr.  Hobbs  gave  me  brought  me  in  con 
tact  with  a  class  of  persons  whose  acquaintance  I  might  not 
otherwise  have  formed  and  with  a  condition  of  Russian  soci 
ety  little  known  to  foreigners.  A  few  years  before  that  date 
some  Russian  ladies  of  rank  passing  the  summer  in  Switzer 
land  attended  evangelistic  meetings  being  held  in  that  coun 
try  by  an  English  nobleman,  Lord  Radstock,  and  the  French 


172  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Protestant  pastors,  M.  Monod  and  M.  de  Pressense.  They 
were  so  much  interested  in  the  services  that  they  secured 
a  promise  from  Lord  Radstock  to  visit  Russia  and  conduct 
similar  services  there.  He  accordingly  came  to  St.  Peters 
burg,  and  for  three  or  four  successive  winters  held  evangel 
istic  meetings  in  the  palaces  and  private  houses  of  the 
nobility,  which  were  largely  attended  and  awakened  much 
interest.  The  leaders  in  the  movement  were  all  members  of 
the  Orthodox  Greek  Church.  Their  design  was  not  to  establish 
a  new  sect  or  a  branch  of  the  Protestant  Church,  but  to 
awaken  new  spiritual  life  and  create  a  higher  standard  of 
piety  in  the  established  Imperial  Church. 

After  the  departure  of  Lord  Radstock  the  movement  was 
carried  on  by  the  Russians  themselves,  Counts  Korff  and 
Bobrinsky  and  Colonel  Pashkoff  being  the  leaders.  I  be 
came  well  acquainted  with  them  and  they  were  often  wel 
come  visitors  at  the  Legation.  Chief  of  these  was  Colonel 
Pashkoff,  an  officer  in  the  Imperial  Guards,  and  a  man  of 
great  wealth  and  very  distinguished  family.  His  large  palace 
on  the  principal  street  of  St.  Petersburg,  the  Nevski  Pro 
spect,  was  thrown  open  to  the  evangelistic  meetings  during 
the  week  and  on  Sundays.  They  were  attended  by  hundreds 
of  people,  even  as  many  as  a  thousand  crowding  the  rooms 
at  times  and  hundreds  turned  away  unable  to  find  admission. 
These  congregations  were  made  up  of  members  of  princely 
families  and  of  the  entourage  of  the  Czar,  officers  of  the  army, 
merchants,  students,  and  here  and  there  a  priest  of  the  Or 
thodox  Church,  and  with  them  peasants,  porters,  men  and 
women  of  the  lower  classes.  It  was  said  that  there  was  not  a 
street-sweeper  in  all  St.  Petersburg  who  did  not  know  Colonel 
Pashkoff  and  his  work  of  charity  in  the  slums,  where  he  spent 
millions  of  his  own  money  and  that  collected  from  his  friends. 

These  meetings,  some  of  which  I  attended,  were  to  me  full 
of  interest,  with  the  motley  audience  and  the  services  so 
different  from  those  in  the  Orthodox  churches.  The  exercises 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    173 

were  very  similar  to  evangelistic  meetings  in  England  and 
the  United  States.  They  were  commenced  with  a  song,  a 
Russian  version  of  some  well-known  English  hymn,  sung  to 
one  of  the  popular  American  tunes  arranged  in  harmony 
with  the  spirit  of  the  Russian  national  melodies,  which  are 
plaintive  rather  than  lively.  Madame  Pashkoff  presided  at  an 
American  organ,  assisted  by  a  choir  composed  of  her  daugh 
ters  and  other  young  ladies.  An  extempore  prayer  was  offered 
by  one  of  the  laymen,  followed  by  a  Bible  reading  and  exposi 
tion  by  Colonel  Pashkoff;  then  other  hymns,  prayers,  and 
addresses  usually  by  Counts  Korff  and  Bobrinsky,  both  of 
whom  were  educated  and  cultured  gentlemen  and  quite 
effective  speakers. 

These  meetings,  held  in  St.  Petersburg  in  the  whiter,  were 
during  the  summer  months  carried  on  in  the  country,  where 
the  leaders  went  to  their  estates.  The  peasants  for  many 
miles  around  and  from  distant  estates  would  gather  to  hear 
the  simple  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  so  different  from  the 
worship  to  which  they  were  accustomed  in  the  parish  churches 
of  the  Established  Faith.  In  the  Greek  churches  of  St. 
Petersburg,  in  the  other  great  cities,  and  throughout  the 
country,  the  services  are  chanted  by  the  clergy  in  a  Slavonic 
language  unintelligible  to  the  people,  and  sermons  are  very 
rarely  heard. 

It  may  be  readily  seen  how  such  meetings  as  those  held 
by  these  self-constituted  lay  evangelists  would  awaken  the 
masses  of  the  people  to  freer  thought.  They  had  been  held  in 
St.  Petersburg  for  several  winters  without  any  interference  by 
the  police,  but  it  was  plain  that  under  the  repressive  influence 
of  the  Government  a  time  would  come  when  the  Holy  Synod 
would  see  the  danger  which  threatened  the  Orthodox  Church 
from  such  a  movement,  and  the  first  winter  of  my  residence 
there  saw  its  termination.  After  the  assassination  of  Alex 
ander  II  instructions  were  issued  to  the  police  to  stop  the 
meetings,  and  Colonel  Pashkoff  was  ordered  to  leave  Russia, 


174  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

only  ten  days  being  allowed  him  to  visit  his  estates  and  close 
up  his  affairs.  He  became  an  exile  from  the  land  of  his  birth, 
a  large  part  of  his  estates  were  confiscated,  and  he  died  more 
than  twenty  years  afterwards,  in  Paris,  in  obscurity. 

The  union  between  the  Church  and  State  in  Russia  has 
been  one  of  the  strongest  supports  of  autocracy  and  it  has 
been  maintained  by  the  Government  with  the  strictest  rigor. 
In  one  respect,  however,  it  has  manifested  a  spirit  of  liber 
ality.  While  it  has  been  the  policy  to  uphold  the  supremacy 
of  the  Greek  Church  and  prohibit  the  entrance  of  foreign 
missionaries,  it  has  with  rare  exceptions  respected  the  faith 
of  new  subjects  which  its  arms  have  added  to  the  Empire  and 
allowed  them  and  their  descendants  to  maintain  their  own 
ecclesiastical  organizations.  Nor  has  the  profession  of  a  dis 
sident  faith  operated  as  a  bar  to  public  office.  In  my  day  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  M.  de  Giers,  was  a  Protestant ; 
likewise  one  of  the  highest  officers  of  the  Emperor's  official 
household,  the  Grand  Master  of  Ceremonies,  Prince  Lieven, 
a  member  of  one  of  the  most  illustrious  families  of  Europe. 

But  no  member  of  the  Greek  Church  was  allowed  to  secede, 
and  proselyting  therefrom  was  liable  to  be  followed  by  Sibe 
rian  exile  or  other  punishment.  All  children  born  of  mixed 
marriages  (of  differing  sects)  were  claimed  for  the  State 
Church,  and  its  members  were  vigorously  watched  by  the 
autocratic  power.  The  restrictions  thrown  about  the  serv 
ices  in  the  Protestant  churches  illustrate  this,  as  is  shown 
by  an  instance  coming  under  my  own  observation.  A  Scotch 
evangelist  came  to  St.  Petersburg,  after  having  held  services 
in  Rome,  Paris,  and  Berlin.  He  was  allowed  to  preach  in  the 
English  language  in  the  small  British  and  American  Chapel, 
but  when  it  was  desired  to  use  a  hall  in  the  central  part  of  the 
city  the  public  censor  forbade  it ;  nor  was  it  permitted  to  have 
his  sermons  in  the  chapel  interpreted  into  Russ. 

The  restrictive  measures  led  to  wholesale  revolt  from  the 
State  Church,  and  dissenting  sects  were  multiplying  through- 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    175 

out  European  Russia.  It  was  estimated  in  1881  that  the 
number  of  seceders  was  as  high  as  fourteen  millions.  The 
seriousness  of  this  condition  appears  when  it  is  remembered 
that  in  the  very  act  of  breaking  away  from  the  Established 
Church  the  dissenters  arrayed  themselves  against  the  Czar, 
and  the  Government  made  itself  their  enemy  by  wholesale 
banishments  to  Siberia,  local  prosecution,  and  civil  disabil 
ities.  This  state  of  affairs  was  a  powerful  influence  in  leading 
Nicholas  II  to  concede  greater  freedom  of  worship  as  one  of 
the  necessary  reforms  for  modern  Russia. 

The  second  time  I  had  a  conversation  with  Alexander  II 
was  at  the  New  Year  reception  of  1881  in  the  Winter  Palace. 
In  my  report  to  the  Secretary  of  State  I  wrote :  "In  his  con 
versation  with  me  the  Emperor  manifested  the  same  friendly 
feeling  towards  our  country  as  is  his  custom."  I  have  noted 
that  at  our  first  meeting  he  referred  to  "the  old  friendship'7 
between  the  two  countries.  In  the  two  interviews  I  had  with 
Alexander  III  and  subsequently  in  twice  conversing  with 
Nicholas  II,  almost  the  same  language  was  used  by  them 
in  every  instance.  The  Presidents  of  the  United  States  have 
used  during  the  same  period  similar  language  to  Russian 
Ministers  in  Washington. 

This  continuous  and  uniform  expression  shows  the  friendly 
state  of  the  relations  between  the  two  countries.  But  since 
the  Russo-Japanese  War  the  sincerity  or  substantial  founda 
tion  of  this  friendship  has  been  challenged.  It  would  seem 
an  anomaly  that  a  genuine  friendship  could  subsist  between 
the  greatest  republic  and  the  most  powerful  autocracy  in  the 
world.  These  cordial  relations  are  largely  the  outgrowth  of 
the  events  attending  our  Civil  War,  as  previous  to  that  time 
the  intercourse  between  the  two  countries  was  of  the  most 
formal  and  unimportant  character.  At  the  beginning  of  our 
history,  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  the  recognition  of 
the  struggling  colonies  by  Russia  was  earnestly  sought,  but 
refused.  Mr.  Dana,  our  representative  sent  to  St.  Petersburg, 


176  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

was  entirely  ignored;  and  our  negotiations  with  Holland 
were  discouraged  by  the  Russian  Government. 

Dr.  Franklin,  our  representative  in  Paris,  tells  an  amusing 
incident  which  occurred  in  1782,  to  illustrate  how  careful 
the  Russian  Government  was  at  that  time  to  do  nothing 
which  might  be  construed  into  a  recognition  of  the  American 
Colonies.  The  heir  to  the  Russian  throne,  traveling  under 
the  incognito  of  the  Count  du  Nord,  on  his  arrival  in  Paris 
caused  his  card  to  be  left,  with  that  of  the  Russian  Ambas 
sador,  upon  the  chiefs  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  among 
others  at  the  American  Legation.  Dr.  Franklin,  following 
the  custom  and  in  reciprocation  of  the  supposed  courtesy, 
registered  his  name  in  a  book  at  the  Russian  Embassy  pro 
vided  for  the  purpose.  Immediately  afterwards  an  official 
called  at  the  Legation  in  Dr.  Franklin's  absence  to  recover 
the  cards,  as  he  said  they  had  been  left  by  mistake,  the  in 
dependence  of  the  Colonies  not  having  been  recognized.  The 
Doctor  sent  back  word  that  he  would  burn  the  cards  and  his 
name  might  be  erased  from  the  book,  and  thus  the  error 
would  be  obliterated  and  the  Count  saved  from  further 
embarrassment. 

During  the  War  of  1812  with  Great  Britain  the  Russian 
Government  offered  its  mediation,  but  its  action  was  inspired 
more  by  a  desire  to  obtain  the  undivided  military  support  of 
Great  Britain  in  the  contest  against  Napoleon  than  by  friend 
ship  for  the  United  States. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War  in  1861,  Napoleon  III  ap 
proached  the  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  Russia  with 
a  view  to  securing  their  joint  or  similar  action  with  France  in 
their  intercourse  with  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  States. 
The  Government  of  Great  Britain  agreed  to  the  policy,  but 
the  proposal  was  rejected  by  Russia,  and  the  latter  gave 
Secretary  Seward  early  notice  of  the  French  Emperor's  action. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  attitude  of  Russia  so  early  in  the 
struggle  had  a  restraining  influence  upon  the  other  two 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    177 

Powers,  and  in  all  probability  prevented  mediation.  Later  in 
the  contest  such  mediation  was  proposed  by  Napoleon,  but 
it  was  declined  by  both  Great  Britain  and  Russia. 

In  the  autumn  of  1863  a  Russian  fleet,  without  any  pre 
vious  notice  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  ap 
peared  in  the  harbor  of  New  York,  and  after  some  weeks' 
stay  in  that  port  moved  southward  and  anchored  in  the  Po 
tomac.  Both  in  New  York  and  Washington  the  presence  of 
this  fleet  was  welcomed  as  a  manifestation  of  the  sympathy 
of  the  Russian  Government  with  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and 
marked  social  attentions  were  extended  to  its  officers.  In 
Washington  they  were  received  by  the  President,  entertained 
by  the  Secretaries  of  State  and  of  the  Navy,  and  profuse 
hospitality  was  showered  upon  them  in  social  circles. 

The  manner  in  which  the  action  of  Russia  in  1861  and  the 
visit  of  the  Russian  fleet  to  American  waters  in  1863  has  con 
tinued  to  be  regarded  by  our  public  men  may  be  seen  from 
incidents  which  occurred  during  my  mission  in  Russia.  After 
the  assassination  of  Alexander  II,  in  addition  to  communi 
cating  the  cabled  condolence  of  the  President  and  Senate  of 
the  United  States  (the  only  branch  of  Congress  then  in  ses 
sion)  to  the  new  Emperor  on  the  awful  tragedy,  I  was  in 
structed  by  Secretary  Blaine  to  ask  a  special  audience  of 
Alexander  III,  in  order,  "in  a  more  formal  and  impressive 
manner  than  telegraphic  communication,  to  convey  to  the 
Emperor  the  sentiments  of  respect  and  gratitude  toward  his 
father  which  animate  the  Government  and  people  of  the 
United  States.  They  can  never  forget,"  Mr.  Blaine  directed 
me  to  say  to  him,  "the  course  pursued  by  the  late  Emperor 
toward  this  country  when  our  national  existence  was  im 
periled  by  civil  strife  .  .  .  and  exposed  to  the  intervention 
of  European  Powers." 

I  was  further  instructed  to  state  that  "A  dynasty,  not  now 
in  power  [Napoleon  III],  but  then  ruling  over  a  country  in 
which  the  people  have  always  been  our  friends,  had  resolved 


178  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

upon  intervention  if  cooperation  with  other  nations  could 
be  assured.  This  design,  so  fraught  with  danger  to  liberty 
and  constitutional  government  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic, 
was  promptly  met  by  the  late  Emperor  with  a  refusal  to  take 
any  unfriendly  steps  against  the  United  States.  Nor  did  His 
Majesty  stop  at  merely  declining  to  join  a  coalition  adverse 
to  us ;  he  openly  declared  in  our  favor,  and  fearing,  from  what 
he  knew  of  the  designs  against  us,  that  other  Powers  might 
unwarily  be  drawn  into  a  hostile  attitude  toward  this  coun 
try,  the  Emperor  sent  to  the  waters  which  both  expose  and 
protect  our  national  capital  a  large  and  powerful  fleet  of 
war-vessels  as  a  proclamation  to  the  world  of  his  sympathy 
in  our  struggle  and  of  his  readiness  to  strike  a  blow  on  the  side 
of  the  Union  if  any  foreign  Power  should  strike  a  blow  in  aid 
of  the  insurrection.  .  .  .  The  Government  of  the  United 
States  does  not  recall  those  historical  facts  from  a  desire  to 
awaken  unpleasant  recollections  in  any  breast,  but  as  a  trib 
ute  to  the  memory  of  a  sovereign  whose  great  power,  at  a 
most  important  crisis,  was  exerted  on  the  side  of  our  Union, 
even  at  the  risk  of  plunging  his  own  Empire  into  war." 

In  my  audience  of  Alexander  III,  after  delivering  the 
message  which  Secretary  Elaine  had  directed,  I  reported  to 
the  Department  that  the  Emperor  in  his  reply  said,  "It  was 
very  true,  as  I  had  stated,  that  his  father  was  a  sincere  friend 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  during  our  Civil  War  he  mani 
fested  that  friendship  and  his  desire  for  the  perpetuity  of  the 
Union  by  the  naval  demonstration  alluded  to." 

Schuyler  Colfax  of  Indiana,  at  the  time  referred  to  the 
Speaker  of  the  lower  House  of  Congress  and  afterwards  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  a  letter  written  in  1880, 
congratulating  me  on  my  appointment  to  the  Russian  Mis 
sion,  added  the  following  postscript:  "P.S.  Just  as  I  was 
closing  this  letter  it  occurred  to  me  to  tell  you  how  I  came 
near  to  being  a  Russian  by  courtesy.  In  1866,  when  lecturing 
in  Boston  on  my  stage-ride  '  Across  the  Continent/  I  spoke  of 


RUSSIAN  AFFAIRS,  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL    179 

the  (then)  tri-continental  domain  of  Russia  (America,  Asia, 
and  Europe),  and  of  the  debt  of  gratitude  we  owed  its 
monarch  and  people  for  their  outspoken  friendship  for  us 
during  the  War,  saving  us  twice  at  least  from  foreign 
intervention  against  us,  etc.,  etc.  A  young  man  from  the 
Chancellerie,  who  was  over  here  studying  our  institutions, 
etc.,  for  Gortchakoff  and  the  Czar,  called  on  me  for  a  copy 
of  those  pages  of  my  lecture,  which  I  gave  him.  Some 
months  after,  I  received  an  oral  message  from  the  Russian 
Minister  that  'If  Schuyler  Colfax  would  enjoy  it,  the  Czar 
would  have  him  transported  from  St.  Petersburg  across 
Russia  in  Europe  and  Asia  to  the  Pacific  or  Sitka/  which 
would  have  been  a  grand  ride.  But  I  was  too  full  of  public 
business  and  politics  to  consider  it.  It  was  quite  an  episode, 
and  I  thought  you  might  like  to  know  it." 

Here  is  the  testimony  of  two  prominent  American  public 
men,  participants  in  the  events,  given  nearly  twenty  years 
after,  of  how  the  attitude  of  Russia  was  regarded  at  the  time. 
And  yet  it  is  contended  that  this  is  only  a  partial  statement 
of  affairs,  and  that  the  action  of  Russia  was  not  influenced  by 
disinterested  friendship  for  the  United  States.  It  is  pointed 
out  that  Russia  had  only  recently  emerged  from  a  disastrous 
war  waged  against  her  by  France  and  England  as  allies,  and 
that  she  was  in  no  temper,  nor  did  it  coincide  with  her  inter 
ests,  to  form  a  coalition  with  them  in  1861. 

It  is  also  noted  that  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe  in 
1862  was  not  at  all  favorable  to  the  peace  of  Russia.  Poland 
was  in  insurrection,  and  France  was  seeking  to  embarrass 
her  by  the  usual  protest  of  the  Powers  against  her  conduct. 
Mr.  Dayton,  our  Minister  in  Paris,  reported  that  a  conflict  in 
Europe  was  imminent.  Charles  Sumner  wrote  John  Bright, 
October  8,  1863:  "You  will  observe  the  hobnobbing  at  New 
York  with  the  Russian  admiral.  Why  is  that  fleet  gathered 
there?  My  theory  is  that  when  it  left  the  Baltic,  war  with 
France  was  regarded  as  quite  possible,  and  it  was  determined 


180  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

not  to  be  sealed  up  at  Cronstadt."  As  indicating  the  com 
ments  of  the  press,  I  quote  from  "Harper's  Monthly,"  for 
October,  1863,  in  its  review  of  current  events : "  In  the  present 
position  of  European  politics  the  presence  of  these  vessels  in 
our  ports  has  a  special  significance.  During  the  Crimean  War 
the  Russian  fleet  was  closely  shut  up  at  Cronstadt  and  in  the 
Black  Sea.  .  .  .  Should  a  war  break  out,  as  still  seems  prob 
able,  between  Russia  and  France  and  England  .  .  .  the 
Russian  vessels  now  at  large,  with  such  aid  as  we  can  give 
them  in  precise  accordance  with  the  course  of  the  English 
Government  toward  us  [the  Alabama  and  other  cruisers], 
could  render  the  commerce  of  England  insecure." 

Notwithstanding  the  state  of  affairs  in  Europe  and  the 
hostile  feeling  of  Russia  toward  France  and  England,  her 
attitude  during  the  Civil  War  was  helpful  to  the  Union  cause, 
and  the  judgment  of  history  was  recorded  by  Rhodes  when 
he  wrote  that  Russia  was  "the  one  great  Power  of  Europe 
which  had  openly  and  persistently  been  our  friend."  The 
cession  of  Alaska  has  been  regarded  by  our  Government 
and  people  as  an  evidence  of  Russian  friendship.  It  has  been 
none  the  less  valuable,  though  the  act  may  have  been  in  part 
inspired  by  a  jealousy  of  Great  Britain.  However,  the  pre 
ponderance  of  sentiment  in  the  United  States  in  favor  of 
Japan  during  its  conflict  with  Russia  demonstrated  that 
there  was  no  sympathy  for  the  latter's  domineering  policy 
in  the  East,  and  if  "the  old  friendship"  is  to  continue  it  is 
plain  it  will  be  with  the  New  Russia,  and  not  with  the 
autocracy. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   ALEXANDER  II 

THE  most  notable  event  during  my  mission  in  Russia  and  one 
of  the  most  notable  in  modern  history  was  the  assassination 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander  II.  Five  previous  attempts  upon 
his  life  had  been  made.  The  first  of  these  occurred  at  St. 
Petersburg  in  1866,  the  Emperor's  life  being  saved  by  a 
peasant,  who  was  ennobled  as  a  reward  for  his  action.  The 
second  attempt  was  made  by  a  Pole  in  Paris  while  the  Czar 
was  on  a  visit  to  the  exposition  in  1867.  The  third  was  made 
on  him  by  an  ex-official  in  April,  1879,  while  returning  to  the 
Winter  Palace  from  his  morning  walk,  unattended.  Several 
pistol-shots  were  fired  at  him,  some  of  them  piercing  his 
clothing,  but  he  escaped  unhurt. 

Previous  to  the  third  attack  it  had  been  the  Emperor's 
custom  to  take  his  exercise  or  to  go  out  on  informal  occasions 
unattended  by  guards,  but  thenceforth  he  invariably  ap 
peared  in  public  with  a  police  or  military  escort.  The  fourth 
attempt  was  a  well-laid  plan  upon  his  life.  He  was  returning 
with  his  suite  from  the  Crimea  to  Moscow,  traveling  with  two 
railway  trains,  the  first  carrying  the  baggage  and  members 
of  the  suite,  and  the  second  the  Emperor  and  his  immediate 
household.  A  short  distance  from  Moscow,  the  first  train  being 
delayed  at  a  station,  the  Emperor's  train  took  the  lead  and 
entered  the  city  without  any  mishap.  The  second,  which 
was  supposed  to  contain  the  Emperor,  was  wrecked  in  the 
suburbs  by  a  dynamite  mine  and  three  of  the  cars  contain 
ing  baggage  destroyed,  but  no  lives  lost. 

The  fifth  attempt  was  of  a  most  daring  and  astounding 
character.  It  occurred  in  the  Winter  Palace  on  the  night  of 


182  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  fifth  of  February,  1880,  only  a  few  weeks  before  my  ar 
rival  in  St.  Petersburg.  It  was  the  habit  of  the  Emperor  to 
dine  at  six  o'clock,  and  on  this  night  the  dinner  was  to  have 
been  attended  by  a  distinguished  company,  among  them 
some  of  the  Imperial  Grand  Dukes,  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
of  Edinburgh,  and  Prince  Alexander  of  Bulgaria,  then  on  a 
visit  to  the  Emperor,  and  Prince  Alexander  of  Hesse,  who 
was  to  arrive  on  the  evening  train.  The  train  being  delayed, 
the  dinner  was  postponed  a  short  time  in  consequence.  Pre 
cisely  at  six  o'clock  a  terrific  explosion  immediately  under 
the  imperial  dining-room  startled  not  only  all  the  inmates 
of  the  palace,  but  the  neighboring  precincts  of  the  city.  The 
explosives  were  in  the  cellar,  and  the  first  room  above  it  con 
taining  the  guard  was  wrecked,  killing  ten  of  the  guard  and 
wounding  all  the  rest,  about  forty  in  number,  and  the  floor 
of  the  dining-room  on  the  next  story  above  was  blown  in, 
all  the  china  and  glass  on  the  dining-table  shattered,  and  the 
silver-plate  twisted.  No  one  was  in  this  room  at  the  time. 

The  precision  with  which  the  explosion  was  timed  made  it 
evident  that  the  plotters  of  the  deed  were  well  informed  as 
to  the  habits  of  the  imperial  family.  A  searching  investiga 
tion  which  followed  revealed  a  strange  condition  of  affairs 
in  the  palace.  Lord  Dufferin,  who  was  in  the  Capital  at  the 
time,  relates  that  the  investigation  disclosed  the  fact  that  the 
whole  basement  story  of  that  enormous  palace  was  occupied 
by  a  large  population  of  artisans,  moujiks,  laborers,  and 
dependants,  amongst  whom  it  is  evident  the  conspirators 
would  have  little  difficulty  in  insinuating  themselves.  A 
clearance  of  the  Augean  stable,  although  all  too  late,  was 
immediately  executed,  and  it  was  said  that  the  attics  pre 
sented  the  same  cosmopolitan  spectacle,  including  amongst 
their  nondescript  inhabitants  several  sheep  and  a  cow ! 

These  last  three  plots  upon  the  Emperor's  life  occurring 
within  less  than  twelve  months,  and  followed  the  next  year 
by  the  final  successful  assault,  led  some  of  the  press  in  their 


ALEXANDER   II 
Emperor  of  Russia 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II      183 

comments  upon  the  assassination  to  recall  the  noted  classical 
passage  of  the  Roman  historian  Suetonius,  in  his  vivid 
description  of  the  Emperor  Caligula,  haunted  by  night  and 
by  day  by  the  fear  of  assassination.  But  the  life  of  Alexander 
can  furnish  no  parallel  to  that  of  the  miserable  coward  and 
inhuman  monster  of  Rome.  Alexander  had  shown  much 
self-possession  in  the  repeated  murderous  attacks,  and  con 
tinued  to  go  in  and  out  among  his  people  unattended  by 
guards  until  forced  by  his  Ministers  to  accept  them.  On  the 
fatal  day  of  his  enemies'  triumph,  his  wife,  warned  by  General 
Loris  Melikoff,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  that  a  new  conspir 
acy  was  planned  for  his  assassination,  begged  him  to  remain 
in  the  palace,  but  he  refused  to  be  turned  aside  from  his 
accustomed  duties  and  went  forth  to  meet  his  appointment. 

On  March  13,  1881,  the  Emperor,  as  was  his  practice  on 
Sunday  forenoons,  went  to  the  riding-school  of  the  Palace  of 
Engineers,  an  immense  building  suitable  for  the  manosuvres 
of  four  or  five  thousand  troops,  to  witness  the  review  of  a 
part  of  the  St.  Petersburg  garrison.  He  left  the  review  about 
one  o'clock  and  drove  to  the  Michel  Palace,  where  he  made 
a  short  call  on  his  niece,  the  Grand  Duchess  Catherine,  and 
then  continued  in  his  closed  carriage  on  his  return  to  the 
Winter  Palace.  Just  before  crossing  the  stable  bridge  of  the 
Catherine  Canal,  at  1.45  P.M.,  a  hand-bomb  was  thrown  by  a 
young  man,  dressed  in  the  garb  of  a  street-cleaner,  directly 
under  the  Emperor's  carriage,  shattering  in  its  explosion  the 
rear  of  the  vehicle,  but  without  injuring  the  Emperor. 

Against  the  remonstrance  of  the  officer  of  the  guard,  he 
alighted  from  the  carriage,  saying  he  must  look  to  the  care  of 
the  wounded  lying  about  on  the  ground.  While  the  assailant 
was  being  arrested,  a  second  bomb,  thrown  by  another  young 
man,  was  exploded  at  the  feet  of  the  Emperor,  horribly 
shattering  both  his  legs,  tearing  open  his  abdomen,  and  in 
flicting  other  serious  wounds  on  his  person.  He  was  placed  in 
the  sleigh  of  the  military  officer  who  accompanied  him  and 


184  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

driven  immediately  to  the  Winter  Palace.  The  loss  of  blood 
was  so  great  and  the  wounds  were  so  severe  that  he  expired 
at  3.35  P.M.,  within  less  than  two  hours  after  the  explosion. 

One  soldier  was  instantly  killed,  three  or  four  others,  in 
cluding  the  second  assailant,  were  mortally  wounded,  and 
several  bystanders,  guards  and  citizens  collected  after  the 
explosion  of  the  first  bomb,  were  more  or  less  severely 
wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  the  music-teacher  of  my 
daughters,  a  Frenchman,  who  chanced  to  be  passing  by, 
and  had  his  face  horribly  disfigured. 

A  report  of  the  assassination  was  soon  brought  to  me  by 
one  of  my  servants  who  was  on  the  streets  at  the  time,  and  I 
went  at  once  to  the  palace  to  confirm  it.  I  there  met  General 
von  Schweinitz,  the  German  Ambassador,  just  descending 
the  Emperor's  stairway,  from  whom  I  learned  some  of  the 
details  of  the  awful  tragedy.  I  communicated  the  event 
without  delay  to  the  Secretary  of  State  at  Washington,  and 
when  the  death  occurred  I  sent  a  second  cable  message.  It 
illustrates  the  difference  in  time  of  the  two  capitals  to  state 
that  the  first  message  was  delivered  to  Secretary  Elaine  at 
12.14  P.M.  and  the  second  at  12.25  P.M.,  when,  as  noted,  the 
assault  occurred  at  1.45  P.M.,  and  the  death  at  3.35  P.M. 
These  messages  carried  the  sad  news  to  America  several 
hours  in  advance  of  any  other  source  of  intelligence.  Mrs. 
Elaine,  in  one  of  her  published  letters,  referring  to  the 
sadness  of  the  visit  of  the  Russian  Minister  to  the  Elaine 
residence  to  see  these  messages,  wrote :  "  All  the  news  there 
was,  for  hours,  was  contained  in  the  telegrams  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  State.  Poor  Emperor,  dogged  to  his  death  at  last !" 

The  event  created  a  profound  sensation  throughout  the 
civilized  world,  and  in  no  country  were  there  more  sincere 
expressions  of  grief  and  sympathy  than  in  the  United  States. 
President  Garfield,  through  Secretary  Elaine,  sent  me  by 
cable  a  touching  message  of  condolence  to  be  communicated 
to  the  new  Emperor ;  the  Senate  (the  House  not  being  then 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II     185 

in  session)  passed  appropriate  resolutions  of  sympathy, 
which  were  cabled  me  in  full  for  delivery;  and  Secretary 
Elaine  instructed  me  by  mail  to  ask  an  audience  of  Alexander 
III,  in  order,  in  a  more  formal  and  amplified  manner,  to  con 
vey  to  him  the  sympathy  of  the  Government  and  people  of 
the  United  States.  The  assassination  of  President  Lincoln 
was  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  Americans,  the  memory  of 
which  would  naturally  form  a  bond  of  grief  with  a  nation 
bowed  down  with  a  similar  calamity;  besides,  Alexander  II 
was  regarded  as  the  one  great  sovereign  of  Europe  who  had 
been  a  friend  of  the  North  during  the  Civil  War,  and  his 
death  came  as  a  personal  loss  to  every  lover  of  the  Union. 

The  funeral  services  over  the  body  of  the  dead  Emperor 
continued  through  two  weeks,  and  were  of  the  most  imposing 
character.  Probably  no  mortal  ever  received  a  more  regal 
interment.  He  died  in  his  own  bedchamber,  and  the  body 
remained  in  the  Winter  Palace  for  five  days,  during  which 
religious  services,  attended  by  the  imperial  family  and  their 
households,  were  held  almost  continually.  On  the  fifth  day 
imperial  couriers  passed  through  the  principal  streets  of  the 
Capital  and  announced  that  the  body  of  Alexander  II,  of 
immortal  memory,  would  be  transferred  to  its  final  resting- 
place  on  the  next  day.  Meanwhile  there  had  been  brought 
from  Moscow  the  Holy  Banner  of  Russia,  the  mourning 
regalia,  and  other  requisite  paraphernalia. 

On  March  19,  the  funeral  cortege  was  formed  in  accordance 
with  the  imperial  programme  which  had  been  published  in 
the  "  Official  Journal."  The  procession  consisted  of  thirteen 
sections,  subdivided  into  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  divis 
ions,  composed  of  the  various  departments  of  Government 
and  societies  of  the  Capital  and  the  many  delegations  which 
had  been  sent  up  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire.  The  firing  of  a 
volley  of  artillery  from  the  fortress  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul 
was  the  signal  for  assembling  the  cortege;  a  second  volley 
was  the  signal  for  its  formation ;  and  a  third  for  its  march, 


186  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

when  all  the  church-bells  of  the  city  began  to  sound,  inter 
spersed  with  artillery  firing  from  all  the  forts. 

The  twelfth  section  was  one  of  the  most  noticeable.  It  was 
under  the  Grand  Master  of  Ceremonies,  and  in  it  were  borne 
on  cushions  of  gold  cloth,  with  silver  fringe,  each  carried  by 
an  officer,  first,  all  the  foreign  orders  and  decorations  which 
had  been  conferred  on  Alexander  II,  fifty-seven  in  all  from 
thirty-six  different  countries ;  second,  the  orders  and  decora 
tions  belonging  to  him  from  the  Empire  of  Russia ;  and  third, 
the  crowns  of  the  Empire  as  follows,  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Georgia,  of  Tartary,  of  Siberia,  of  Poland,  of  Astrakhan,  of 
Kazan,  the  Imperial  Globe,  the  Imperial  Sceptre,  and,  last, 
the  Imperial  Crown. 

In  the  thirteenth  section  was  the  funeral  car  containing 
the  body  of  the  dead  Emperor,  followed  by  the  reigning 
Emperor,  his  sons,  the  Grand  Dukes  and  Imperial  Princes,  all 
on  foot,  followed  by  the  Empress  and  other  female  members 
of  the  imperial  family  in  carriages.  A  double  file  of  soldiers 
accompanied  the  procession,  and  the  entire  route  of  march 
from  the  Winter  Palace  to  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  was  lined  with  soldiers  on  both  sides. 

The  cortege  passed  from  the  Winter  Palace  along  the 
intervening  streets  and  across  the  Neva  to  the  imposing  Cathe 
dral  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  which  was  to  be  the  final  rest 
ing-place  of  the  dead  Emperor.  I  give  an  account  of  the  cere 
monies  in  the  cathedral  on  that  day,  from  a  letter  written  by 
Mrs.  Foster  just  after  they  took  place,  which  gives  more 
accurately  the  details  than  I  could  recall  them  now :  — 

The  Diplomatic  Corps  were  invited  to  be  at  the  cathedral 
at  11.30  A.M.,  but  we  waited  there  till  2  P.M.  before  all 
the  procession  arrived  and  the  ceremonies  began.  The  cathe 
dral  was  most  elaborately  and  beautifully  decorated,  and  one 
might  easily  have  imagined  it  the  coronation  instead  of  the 
burial  of  a  monarch.  In  the  centre  of  the  cathedral  a  platform 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II     187 

was  raised  and  covered  with  scarlet  cloth  trimmed  with  gold. 
From  the  high  ceiling  hung  rich  curtains  of  silver  sheen  lined 
with  ermine  and  bordered  with  wide  gold  fringe.  These  were 
looped  back  at  the  four  corners,  in  which  were  placed  the 
imperial  arms  and  portraits  of  the  late  Emperor  surrounded 
with  crepe,  and  the  top  was  surmounted  with  huge  white 
ostrich  feathers. 

Immediately  in  the  centre  of  this  platform  was  placed  the 
coffin,  and  at  the  head  and  foot  were  placed  all  the  crowns, 
orders,  and  decorations  of  Alexander  II.  These  were  carried 
in  on  yellow  satin  pillows  by  officials  and  placed  on  the  stands 
set  for  them.  They  were  very  numerous,  but,  alas!  those 
things  which  had  commanded  such  attention  and  been  kept 
with  so  much  pride  by  the  silent  sleeper  had  to  be  left  behind 
—  he  could  take  none  of  them  with  him  to  the  other  world. 

On  the  right  of  the  platform  stood  the  new  Emperor  and 
Empress,  with  their  two  oldest  sons,  Nicholas  [the  present 
Czar],  aged  13,  and  George,  his  brother.  The  two  little 
boys  were  dressed  in  military  uniforms.  By  the  side  of  the 
Empress  stood  the  Duchess  of  Edinburgh,  the  only  daughter 
of  the  late  Emperor ;  then  came  the  wife  of  Vladimir  and  the 
wives  of  the  late  Emperor's  brothers.  Opposite  them  were 
the  four  sons  of  the  dead  Emperor,  and  with  them  the  Duke 
of  Edinburgh.  Just  below  the  platform  were  all  the  brothers, 
nephews,  and  other  relatives  of  the  imperial  family. 

The  ladies  wore  plain  black  flannel  dresses  with  trains  four 
yards  long,  each  one  having  three  uniformed  attendants 
bearing  their  trains ;  long  veils  of  black  crepe  falling  over  the 
head  behind ;  and  white  collars  and  cuffs  of  batiste  or  fine 
linen  cambric.  Over  their  shoulders  they  wore  a  wide  red 
ribbon,  showing  a  royal  order.  The  gentlemen  of  the  imperial 
family  were  dressed  in  military  uniforms,  with  a  wide  watered 
blue  ribbon  across  the  shoulder.  The  members  of  the  Diplo 
matic  Corps  were  all  in  gay  uniforms.  I,  together  with  all  the 
ladies  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  wore  a  plain  black  cashmere, 


188  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

with  a  court  train  three  yards  long ;  a  crepe  veil  made  into 
a  cap  on  the  head  and  falling  three  yards  behind  over  the 
gown ;  and  white  collars  and  cuffs  of  linen  cambric,  which  is 
considered  the  deepest  mourning.  Crepe  was  on  every  left 
arm,  but  only  the  long  flowing  black  robes  of  the  ladies  gave 
any  appearance  of  mourning. 

Every  one  stood  during  the  services,  consisting  of  prayers, 
which  few  understood,  and  chants.  The  music,  which  occu 
pied  much  of  the  time,  was  exceedingly  beautiful.  The  male 
voices  (you  know  that  only  male  voices  are  used  in  the  Rus 
sian  churches)  were  so  carefully  trained,  and  the  choir  placed 
so  high  above  the  audience,  the  music  as  it  floated  down 
seemed  as  if  coming  from  the  heavens.  The  services  were 
quite  long  and  the  only  rest  for  our  tired  feet  was  in  kneeling 
during  the  prayers,  holding  meanwhile  a  lighted  candle  in  our 
hands. 

When  the  religious  services  were  concluded,  all  the  mem 
bers  of  the  imperial  family,  in  order  of  rank,  went  up  to  the 
coffin  and  kissed  the  hands  and  the  forehead  of  the  dead 
Emperor,  and  then  slowly  left  the  cathedral.  Then  came 
the  wife  of  the  late  Emperor  (whom  he  married  last  August, 
but  who  has  never  been  proclaimed  Empress),  knelt  by  the 
side  of  the  coffin,  kissing  the  floor,  and  then  the  hands  and 
forehead  of  the  Emperor.  Afterwards  came  the  ladies  of  the 
Court  and  the  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  all  of  us 
kissing  his  hands.  A  heavy  rich  cloth  of  gold  was  thrown 
over  the  lower  part  of  the  coffin,  so  that  we  saw  only  the 
face  and  hands.  The  face  was  peaceful  and  not  at  all  dis 
figured. 

As  no  one  was  admitted  to  the  cathedral  except  the  imperial 
family,  the  courtiers,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  there  was  no 
crowding,  and  we  had  a  fine  opportunity  to  see  everything. 
The  floral  decorations  consisted  of  white  roses  and  evergreens 
and  were  beautiful.  Having  remained  in  the  cathedral  stand 
ing  for  nearly  four  hours,  we  reached  home  quite  fatigued. 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II      189 

The  final  services  will   take  place  next  Sunday,  just  two 
weeks  from  the  day  of  the  assassination. 

We  are  to  go  into  mourning  for  six  months,  including  our 
carriage,  the  chasseur,  coachman,  and  even  the  horses.  An 
official  circular  has  been  sent  to  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  pre 
scribing  the  costume  to  be  worn  by  the  ladies.  The  duration 
of  mourning  is  divided  into  four  periods  of  six  weeks  each, 
with  a  change  of  dress  or  costume  for  each  quarter.  .  .  . 

The  body  lay  in  state  during  the  week  in  the  cathedral, 
and  was  visited  during  certain  hours  of  each  day  by  enormous 
crowds  of  people.  The  imperial  regalia,  orders,  and  decora 
tions  remained  about  the  coffin,  which  bore  a  simple  inscrip 
tion  on  a  gold  plate  of  the  birth,  accession  to  the  throne,  and 
death  of  Alexander  II.  Four  general  aides-de-camp  stood 
constantly  at  each  corner  of  the  platform  close  to  the  coffin, 
and  priests  with  lighted  tapers  continually  chanted  the 
Scriptures  and  prayers.  The  stream  of  people  who  passed 
into  the  cathedral  mounted  the  platform  between  the  officers, 
reverently  bent  over  and  kissed  the  hands  and  made  the  sign 
of  the  cross.  Many,  not  being  able  to  restrain  their  feelings, 
left  the  church  in  tears. 

The  day  before  the  final  interment  heralds,  with  flourish 
of  trumpets,  went  before  all  the  palaces  and  into  all  public 
places  in  the  Capital  and  announced  that  at  10.30  o'clock  the 
next  morning  would  take  place  the  burial  of  Alexander  II,  of 
glorious  and  imperishable  memory.  No  public  procession  or 
open  pageant  of  any  kind  marked  the  last  funeral  rites  of 
the  departed  sovereign.  At  a  signal  of  three  guns  from  the 
cathedral  fortress  at  half-past  ten,  carriages  were  seen  de 
parting  from  the  Winter  Palace  and  other  imperial  houses 
en  route  to  the  cathedral,  in  a  blinding  snowstorm  which 
obscured  the  face  of  the  sky  and  cast  a  sombre  hue  over 
the  Capital  —  a  fit  day  for  the  final  honors  to  its  stricken 
monarch. 


190  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

The  scene  in  the  cathedral  was  much  the  same  as  on  the 
day  of  the  translation  of  the  body,  except  that  the  company 
which  stood  about  the  coffin  was  made  still  more  distin 
guished  by  the  representatives  of  all  the  crowned  heads  of 
Europe  who  had  come  to  pay  their  last  tribute  of  respect  and 
grief  to  the  fallen  Emperor.  Among  these  were  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  now  Edward  VII,  the  Crown  Prince  of  Germany, 
afterwards  the  Emperor  Frederick,  and  other  heirs-apparent 
who  later  became  prominent  as  rulers.  Among  the  illustrious 
ones  standing  near  together  were  the  two  Danish  sisters  — 
the  Princess  of  Wales,  now  Queen  Alexandra,  tall,  fair,  and 
stately,  and  the  Czarina  Dagmar,  dark  and  small  of  stature, 
now  Dowager  Empress,  oppressed  with  anxiety  for  her  son 
the  reigning  sovereign,  Nicholas  II. 

After  the  prolonged  and  impressive  funeral  service  of  the 
Greek  Church  had  been  concluded,  the  members  of  the  im 
perial  house,  beginning  with  the  Emperor,  approached  the 
coffin  and  each  kissed  the  hands  and  forehead  of  their  late 
sire,  the  Emperor  especially  being  deeply  moved  and  bending 
several  times  over  the  body.  He  then  folded  the  imperial 
mantle  of  gold  and  ermine  into  the  coffin,  and  eight  generals 
brought  forward  the  lid  with  the  late  Emperor's  sword  and 
helmet  upon  it.  When  the  lid  had  been  properly  fastened, 
the  Emperor,  the  grand  dukes,  and  the  foreign  princes  raised 
the  coffin  from  the  catafalque  and  bore  it  to  the  grave,  only 
a  few  yards  to  the  left  and  next  the  tomb  of  the  late 
Empress. 

As  the  remains  were  gradually  lowered  into  the  grave,  the 
cannon  of  the  fortress  and  the  field  artillery  in  the  courtyard 
suddenly  broke  the  solemn  stillness  by  a  deafening  volley, 
repeated  six  times,  the  intervals  being  filled  up  by  the  rolling 
fire  of  musketry.  During  these  martial  honors,  the  members 
of  the  imperial  family,  the  foreign  princes,  and  other  special 
representatives  of  courts,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  filed  past 
the  open  grave,  and  each  of  us,  according  to  the  Russian  cus- 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II      191 

torn,  threw  in  a  little  sand  and  a  few  flowers,  and  then  passed 
out  of  the  cathedral,  leaving  the  once  mighty  autocrat  and 
the  great  emancipator,  " after  life's  fitful  fever,"  to  sleep 
quietly  with  his  fathers. 

The  Cathedral  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  is  the  mausoleum 
in  which  are  buried  the  remains  of  Peter  the  Great  and  his 
successors,  and  in  it  are  placed  the  keys,  standards,  shields, 
and  battle-axes,  the  trophies  of  Russian  arms  in  the  wars 
against  the  Swedes,  Turks,  Asiatic  States,  Poles,  and  French. 
It  is  situated  upon  the  island  where  Peter  lived  while  he  was 
building  his  capital ;  it  was  erected  under  his  direction,  and 
is  especially  conspicuous  among  the  many  churches  of  the 
city  for  its  graceful  and  gilded  needle-like  spire  which  rises 
three  hundred  and  seventy-one  feet  above  the  Neva;  It 
stands  within  the  walls  of  the  famous  fortress-prison  where 
for  two  centuries  the  state  offenders  have  been  incarcerated. 
In  one  of  its  dreary  casemates  Alexis,  the  oldest  son  of  Peter 
the  Great,  was  confined  and  met  his  sudden  death.  Here  the 
conspirators  of  1825  were  kept,  and  in  the  time  of  Alexander 
II  many  of  those  who  plotted  against  his  life  and  his  govern 
ment  were  shut  up  to  await  a  lingering  death.  Over  it  more 
than  over  any  other  imperial  dungeon  has  there  rested  a  veil 
of  mystery  and  silence. 

The  Government  and  people  have  done  much  to  keep  fresh 
and  green  the  memory  of  their  martyr  Emperor.  The  most 
conspicuous  evidence  is  the  imposing  Memorial  Church  of  the 
Resurrection,  erected  over  the  spot  where  he  fell  mortally 
wounded,  with  its  group  of  cupolas  of  blue  and  green  and 
white  and  gold,  erected  by  the  contributions  of  the  people  of 
the  Empire  and  the  imperial  family.  In  it  even  the  paving- 
stones  which  were  stained  with  his  blood  are  carefully 
preserved. 

The  private  apartment  which  he  occupied  in  the  Winter 
Palace  is  also  kept  with  great  care  just  as  he  left  it.  There 
in  the  recess  is  the  narrow  iron  bed  upon  which  he  slept  and 


192  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

to  which  he  was  brought  mangled  and  bleeding  to  breathe  out 
the  last  spark  of  life.  The  half-smoked  cigarette  which  he 
laid  on  the  ash-tray  when  he  went  out  on  that  fatal  Sunday 
morning  is  carefully  covered  by  a  glass  globe.  His  small 
ivory-handled  revolver  which  he  carried  in  his  pocket  that 
day  is  lying  on  the  table.  The  toilet  articles,  half -worn,  are  as 
he  left  them.  The  books  on  the  library  shelves,  more  or  less 
used,  show  his  taste  in  reading.  At  the  foot  of  the  camp-bed 
hangs  the  portrait  of  a  little  daughter  who  died  in  infancy, 
and  the  last  clothes  she  wore,  which  he  always  kept  in  view, 
still  lie  there  neatly  folded,  a  touching  revelation  of  his 
tender  affection.  The  general  aspect  of  the  room  shows 
how  simply  the  mighty  monarch  lived. 

To  complete  the  narrative  of  this  awful  tragedy  I  cannot 
do  better  than  reproduce  a  private  letter  which  I  wrote  to 
Secretary  Elaine,  giving  my  impressions  at  the  time.  It  bears 
date  March  21,  1881,  and  is  as  follows :  — 

I  have  kept  and  shall  continue  to  keep  the  Department 
fully  advised  of  all  that  relates  to  the  assassination  of  the 
Emperor,  so  far  as  it  has  official  or  public  interest.  But  I 
have  thought  you  might  be  interested  in  some  details  and 
comments,  which  I  do  not  choose  to  put  on  record  or  in 
official  form,  on  an  event  which  must  be  one  of  the  most 
memorable  of  the  country. 

On  yesterday  I  participated  with  the  Diplomatic  Corps  in 
the  pageant  and  religious  ceremony  of  the  transfer  of  the 
late  Emperor's  body  from  the  Winter  Palace  to  the  fortress 
cathedral,  where  he  is  to  lie  in  state  until  finally  interred 
next  Sunday,  the  27th.  I  had  when  I  came  here,  in  common 
with  most  Americans,  a  high  regard  for  Alexander  II  as  the 
Czar  Emancipator  and  Reformer,  and  my  personal  contact 
with  him  has  strengthened  this  sentiment  and  impressed 
upon  me  his  great  kindliness  of  heart  and  frankness  of  char 
acter.  He  cherished  an  unmistakable  friendship  for  the 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II    193 

United  States,  and  never  failed  to  refer  to  it  in  his  interviews. 
The  last  time  I  conversed  with  him,  after  inquiring  in  some 
detail  as  to  how  I  was  occupying  my  time  and  how  I  was 
pleased  with  my  residence  in  Russia,  referring  to  the  two 
nations,  he  said,  in  parting,  "Let  us  hope  that  our  old  friend 
ship  may  long  continue." 

With  this  high  estimate  of  the  ruler  and  attachment  to  the 
man,  I  have  been  surprised  at  the  apparently  comparative 
indifference  with  which  his  assassination  has  been  received. 
Contrasted  with  the  thrill  of  horror,  indignation,  and  sym 
pathy  which  ran  through  our  country  when  Lincoln  fell,  the 
outward  manifestation  in  this  city  amounts  to  nothing.  A 
short  time  after  I  had  sent  you  my  telegram  announcing  the 
Emperor's  death,  I  took  my  customary  afternoon  walk 
around  the  Winter  Palace  and  along  some  of  the  most  fre 
quented  streets  of  the  city.  Before  the  palace  in  the  immense 
square  were  gathered  in  squads  a  few  thousand  people  and 
rather  more  than  the  Sunday  afternoon  throng  on  the  streets, 
but  there  appeared  a  general  feeling  of  indifference  and  very 
little  emotion.  You  might  have  thought  the  crowds  were 
waiting  to  see  some  of  the  imperial  family  or  a  regiment  of 
soldiers  pass,  rather  than  gathered  to  mourn  over  their  mur 
dered  Emperor.  In  the  crowds  I  saw  an  occasional  old  woman 
wipe  away  a  stray  tear,  but  more  often  quiet  laughter  and 
commonplace  joking,  as  is  usual  in  ordinary  assemblages  of 
the  middle  or  lower  classes.  The  same  impression  has  been 
made  upon  most  observing  foreigners.  There  has  been  deep 
sorrow  doubtless,  but  not  to  the  extent  that  would  have  been 
expected. 

The  ceremony  yesterday  was  quite  a  pageant,  but  there 
was  very  little  of  the  air  of  oppressive  grief.  In  the  cathedral, 
where  we  spent  two  hours  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  corpse 
and  the  imperial  family,  everything  was  done  in  the  most 
matter-of-fact  manner,  and  with  little  more  gravity  than  in 
the  preparations  for  a  reception  in  the  palace. 


194  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

This  is  due  in  part  to  the  strict  police  and  military  sur 
veillance  and  the  spirit  of  popular  repression  which  has 
reigned  here  for  the  past  few  years.  The  whole  course  of  the 
long  procession  yesterday  was  lined  by  a  double  column  of 
soldiers ;  on  the  route  of  the  march  no  window  was  allowed 
to  be  opened  or  balcony  occupied;  and  in  the  cathedral  a 
circle  of  soldiers,  fully  armed  and  with  fixed  bayonets,  en 
closed  and  shut  off  the  imperial  household  and  the  diplomatic 
corps  from  the  rest  of  the  assembly,  all  of  whom  were  officials 
and  they  only  admitted  by  card. 

It  is  sadly  apparent  that  Alexander  II,  who  I  think  will 
be  recorded  in  history  as,  not  the  greatest  but  the  best  of 
Russia's  rulers,  had  lost  in  popularity  and  public  esteem.  I 
find  two  reasons  for  this  state  of  public  sentiment  —  the  one 
political  and  the  other  domestic.  He  entered  upon  his  reign 
with  earnest  liberal  intentions,  as  was  shown  in  the  judicial 
reforms,  the  beginning  of  the  reorganization  of  the  corrupt 
administration  of  government,  and  the  emancipation  of  the 
serfs.  But  the  attempts  upon  his  life  which  began  fifteen 
years  ago  somewhat  soured  his  temper,  and  the  herculean 
task  of  reforming  the  bureaucracy  discouraged  and  wearied 
him,  and  of  late  years  he  almost  abandoned  the  latter  task, 
and  recoiled  from  and  in  large  measure  gave  up  the  liberal 
work  of  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign. 

But  he  could  not  change  or  curb  the  spirit  of  reform  and 
progress  which  these  measures  had  encouraged  and  created, 
and  it  was  natural  that  his  course  should  occasion  a  deep 
disappointment.  I  do  not  think  the  Nihilist  movement  em 
braces  a  very  numerous  party,  nor  are  their  violent  measures 
approved  by  any  considerable  portion  of  the  nation,  but  it  is 
one  of  the  outgrowths  of  autocracy,  and  it  cannot  be  stamped 
out  while  such  a  system  of  government  continues. 

There  is,  on  the  other  hand,  a  strong  undercurrent  of  sen 
timent  in  the  middle  and  upper  classes  in  favor  of  some  form 
of  representative  government,  and  of  placing  Russia  along- 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II      195 

side  of  the  rest  of  Europe  and  more  in  harmony  with  the 
politics  of  the  present  century.  Regarding  the  autocratic 
Czar  as  the  personal  impediment  to  this  realization,  his  re 
moval  by  violent  means,  while  not  approved,  does  not 
awaken  that  outburst  of  indignation  and  sympathy  which 
the  assassination  of  a  representative  ruler  ordinarily 
would. 

The  other  fact,  which  has  undoubtedly  tempered  the  grief 
of  the  people  in  this  terrible  event,  has  been  the  well-known 
domestic  relations  which  have  been  maintained  in  the  late 
Emperor's  household.  The  Russians  may  not  be  overly  nice 
in  their  personal  observance  of  the  marital  vows,  but  the 
treatment  received  by  the  slowly-dying  Empress,  a  woman 
of  most  unexceptionable  private  life  and  kindliness  of  nature, 
the  keeping  of  his  mistress  in  the  palace  at  such  a  time  and 
his  early  marriage  to  her  after  the  death  of  the  Empress,  and 
the  troubles  in  the  imperial  family  as  a  consequence  —  these 
matters  have  been  the  topic  of  conversation  in  all  circles, 
and  have  had  an  unmistakable  influence  in  altering  the 
high  public  esteem  in  which  the  late  Emperor  was  held. 

The  great  question  now  here  and  elsewhere  in  Europe  is 
how  the  accession  of  Alexander  III  may  affect  internal  and 
foreign  affairs.  It  is  a  question  which  I  think  need  give  us  no 
concern.  I  am  satisfied  the  new  Emperor  heartily  partakes  of 
the  friendship  of  the  nation  for  our  country.  Not  long  ago, 
when  I  had  the  honor  of  a  private  audience  of  him  and 
the  Empress,  while  he  was  yet  Czarevitch,  he  spoke  in  kindly 
terms  of  us  and  made  particular  inquiries  in  regard  to  (the 
then)  President-elect  Garfield ;  so  that  I  fortunately  had  a 
more  unrestrained  opportunity  than  I  can  have,  now  that  he 
has  become  Emperor,  to  make  him  somewhat  acquainted 
with  the  head  of  our  Government. 

He  is  a  great  Russian,  and  will  seek  in  internal  affairs  to 
exalt  his  race  characteristics  and  institutions.  For  instance, 
while  the  late  Emperor  almost  always  spoke  French  in  his 


196  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

family  and  among  his  intimates,  the  present  Emperor  has 
insisted  upon  the  use  of  the  Russian  language  in  not  only 
family,  but  in  social  and  official  circles.  ...  He  is  credited 
with  a  fair  degree  of  intellectual  capacity,  coupled  with  a 
certain  fixedness  of  character  sometimes  styled  stubbornness, 
and  it  is  fair  to  predict  that  he  will  play  an  important  role 
in  national  history  and  European  politics,  unless  the  con 
spirators  shorten  his  reign,  which  it  is  understood  they 
threaten  to  do  if  his  course  does  not  please  them. 

This  letter,  written  in  the  midst  of  the  exciting  scenes 
which  it  describes,  does  not  give  an  entirely  correct  view  of 
the  character  and  services  of  Alexander  II.  I  was  then  stand 
ing  too  near  to  the  subject  and  saw  in  a  somewhat  garish  light 
his  frailties  and  mistakes.  The  men  who  lived  in  the  time  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  were  associated  with  him  did  not 
realize  then  as  to-day  they  and  the  new  generations  do  his 
majestic  character.  Alexander  was  amiable,  easy-going,  and 
wanting  in  tenacity  of  purpose.  Those  characteristics  led  his 
father,  the  stout  Nicholas,  to  say  of  him,  "My  son  Sasha  is 
a  baba  [old  woman] ;  there  will  be  nothing  great  done  in  his 
time."  But  this  very  tenderness  of  heart  was  one  of  the 
controlling  influences  which  led  him  to  the  grandest  act  ever 
done  by  a  Russian  ruler  and  one  of  the  grandest  in  the  annals 
of  time. 

The  act  which  in  the  judgment  of  mankind  most  ennobles 
Lincoln  and  entitles  him  to  immortal  fame  was  the  emanci 
pation  of  the  slaves  during  our  Civil  War.  Yet  compare  it 
with  Alexander's  great  act  of  emancipation.  Lincoln  pro 
claimed  freedom  to  four  millions  of  human  beings  held  in 
bondage  by  his  enemies  in  arms,  and,  as  a  military  necessity, 
to  break  the  power  of  his  country's  foes.  Alexander,  in  a 
time  of  profound  peace  and  by  his  own  unconstrained  free 
will,  gave  freedom  to  twenty-three  millions  of  slaves,  held  in 
bondage  by  his  own  family  and  the  nobility,  who  were  his 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  ALEXANDER  II      197 

most  devoted  supporters,  and  made  these  freedmen  the 
owners  of  the  soil  they  tilled. 

Aside  from  this  unparalleled  deed  of  humanity,  Alexander 
II  must  be  regarded  as  the  most  progressive  and  liberal 
ruler  that  ever  sat  upon  the  Russian  throne.  It  is  true  he 
halted  in  his  great  work  of  reform,  largely  influenced  by  the 
almost  insurmountable  difficulties  which  he  encountered, 
and  partly  by  the  persistent  attempts  upon  his  life,  but  some 
of  his  reform  measures  became  permanent,  and  in  his  reign 
his  country  made  greater  advance  in  intelligence  and  ma 
terial  well-being  than  under  any  of  his  predecessors.  Had 
his  successors  on  the  throne  been  wise  enough  to  have 
adopted  his  policy  and  carried  to  perfection  the  measures 
inaugurated  by  him,  that  great  empire  would  have  been 
saved  much  of  the  humiliation  which  it  has  been  forced  to 
undergo  and  the  turmoil  and  disorders  through  which  it 
has  had  to  pass  in  later  years. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

RUSSIA   UNDER  ALEXANDER  III 

ON  the  same  afternoon  that  Alexander  II  died,  his  son  the 
Czarevitch  assumed  the  supreme  power  of  the  Empire  as 
Alexander  III,  and  his  proclamation  of  accession  to  the 
throne  was  published  the  next  morning.  After  announcing 
the  death  of  his  father  by  "the  sacrilegious  hand  of  assas 
sins/'  the  proclamation  said:  — 

Bowing  before  the  mysterious  decrees  of  Divine  Provi 
dence,  and  raising  to  the  All-Powerful  our  prayers  for  the 
pure  soul  of  our  deceased  father,  we  ascend  the  throne  of 
our  ancestors,  the  throne  of  the  Empire  of  Russia.  .  .  . 

We  assume  the  heavy  burden  which  it  has  pleased  the 
Lord  to  impose  upon  us  with  an  immovable  confidence  in 
His  all-powerful  aid.  May  he  bless  our  labors  for  the  good 
of  our  dear  country  and  direct  our  efforts  for  the  happiness 
of  our  faithful  subjects. 

After  the  repeated  attempts  upon  his  life,  Alexander  II 
in  1880  appointed  General  Loris  Melikoff  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  and  conferred  upon  him  dictatorial  powers  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  Empire.  These  powers  he  had  exer 
cised  with  rare  good  judgment  and  in  such  a  liberal  spirit 
that  he  had  gained  in  large  measure  the  public  confidence 
and  support.  It  is  an  accepted  fact  that  Melikoff  had  pre 
pared  a  new  measure  of  reform  for  the  Empire  which  has 
been  erroneously  styled  a  constitution.  Its  chief  provisions 
enlarged  the  scope  of  the  provincial  representative  assem 
blies,  or  zemstva,  which  had  been  created  early  in  Alexander's 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          199 

reign,  granting  them  greater  powers  of  taxation  for  local 
improvements,  and  giving  them  in  other  respects  authority 
to  act  independent  of  the  Central  Government. 

The  result  of  the  operation  of  this  proposed  reform  would 
have  been  to  put  Russia  in  the  path  leading  eventually  to 
a  constitutional  and  representative  government.  Melikoff 
found  in  the  Emperor's  morganatic  wife  a  strong  supporter 
of  his  scheme,  as  she  was  credited  with  liberal  ideas  and  was 
wise  enough  to  see  that  such  a  policy  was  the  best  method 
of  protecting  her  husband  from  the  hand  of  the  assassin. 
Alexander  II  had  been  won  over  to  the  measure,  and  it  is 
said  that  the  ukase  which  was  to  give  it  effect  had  been 
drafted  and  was  laid  upon  his  table  for  signature  on  the 
very  morning  of  his  death.  So  fully  was  the  public  satisfied 
that  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  late  Czar  to  carry  out  this  re 
form  that  the  press  of  St.  Petersburg  immediately  after  his 
death  was  almost  unanimous  in  the  demand  that  measures 
looking  towards  a  representative  government  be  adopted 
by  the  new  Czar. 

Seldom  has  the  work  of  the  political  assassin  promoted 
the  good  of  the  people.  When  the  dagger  of  Ravaillac 
struck  down  Henry  IV,  it  removed  the  most  enlightened 
and  liberal  ruler  of  France  just  as  he  was-  entering  upon 
a  career  of  great  usefulness.  Booth's  pistol  ended  Lincoln's 
life  at  a  time  when  he  could  have  best  served  the  people 
of  the  South.  The  bomb  of  the  conspirators  in  St.  Peters 
burg,  who  claimed  to  be  laboring  for  the  freedom  of  Russia, 
stayed  the  work  of  reform  and  threw  the  country  into  a  long 
period  of  reaction. 

Alexander  III,  as  Czarevitch,  was  understood  to  have 
disapproved  of  the  repressive  measures  of  the  latter  part 
of  his  father's  reign,  and  the  hope  was  cherished  that  he 
would  be  governed  by  the  conciliatory  policy  of  Melikoff. 
But  the  cruel  assassination  of  his  father  worked  strongly 
upon  his  austere  mind  and  brought  about  a  revulsion  in 


200  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

his  feelings,  which  resulted  in  the  adoption  of  a.  policy  of 
reaction.  The  influence  which  contributed  most  to  bring 
about  this  change  was  that  of  his  tutor,  M.  Pobiedonostseff, 
the  Chief  Procurator  of  the  Holy  Synod  and  the  political 
head  of  the  Established  Greek  Church.  He  soon  gained 
complete  ascendency  over  the  new  Emperor,  which  con 
tinued  throughout  his  reign.  His  political  ideal  was  a  na 
tion  containing  one  nationality,  one  language,  one  religion, 
and  one  form  of  administration;  and  he  sought  to  inject 
these  ideas  into  the  new  Government. 

Within  a  few  weeks  after  the  change  of  rulers  Loris  Meli- 
koff  retired  from  office  and  Count  Ignatieff  was  called  to 
his  place.  These  two  men  for  a  number  of  years  were  the 
conspicuous  figures  in  Russian  affairs,  and  each  for  a  time 
ruled  the  destinies  of  his  country.  I  had  occasion  to  visit 
each  of  them  a  number  of  times  on  business  and  was  also 
brought  in  contact  with  them  socially.  Both  of  them  pos 
sessed  a  singular  fascination  of  manner  which  in  large  part 
explains  the  friendship  and  confidence  which  they  so  com 
pletely  won  from  their  sovereigns.  Melikoff  was  born  at 
Tiflis  and  belonged  to  that  keen  and  wily  race,  the  Arme 
nian.  He  was  a  soldier  by  profession  and  won  great  distinc 
tion  and  rendered  valuable  service  in  the  field,  before  he  was 
called  to  bear  the  burdens  of  the  Empire.  His  policy  in  that 
capacity  was  such  that  he  drew  from  the  Nihilists  the  title 
of  "the  enlightened  despot." 

Ignatieff,  although  he  bore  the  title  of  general,  had  seen 
little  real  military  service,  and  he  attained  his  chief  distinc 
tion  in  diplomacy.  His  first  important  achievement  was  at 
Peking.  He  knew  how  to  profit  by  the  Anglo-French  war 
against  China  of  1858-60,  and  in  the  distress  of  the  Chinese 
he  added  by  his  celebrated  treaty  a  region  to  the  Russian 
dominions  the  size  of  Spain  and  gained  a  new  port  on  the 
Pacific.  It  was  Ignatieff  whose  good  offices  our  Government 
sought  to  aid  our  Minister,  Mr.  Ward,  at  that  time  in  Peking 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          201 

fruitlessly,  arguing  against  the  kowtow.  His  second  diplo 
matic  feat  was  as  Ambassador  at  Constantinople,  where  he 
was  successful,  against  the  judgment  of  the  Emperor  and 
Gortchakoff,  in  precipitating  the  Turkish  war,  and  in  ne 
gotiating  the  treaty  of  San  Stefano.  But  that  work  was 
undone  by  the  Conference  of  Berlin,  and,  for  a  time  in  dis 
grace,  he  went  into  retirement.  "I  am  going  into  my 
shell,"  he  told  his  friends,  "but  you  will  hear  of  me  when 
the  Czarevitch  comes  to  the  throne,"  and  his  prediction 
was  realized. 

As  a  diplomatist  he  gained  both  distinction  and  notori 
ety.  His  service  as  such  was  largely  among  the  Orientals. 
At  Constantinople  he  succeeded  in  outwitting  them  in  their 
craft,  and  they  complimented  him  with  the  title  of  "The 
Father  of  Lies."  Bismarck,  who  was  largely  instrumental 
in  his  overthrow  at  the  Berlin  Conference,  is  credited  with 
the  remark  respecting  him:  "The  report  goes  that  he  told 
the  truth  once  in  his  life,  but  I  have  never  heard  him  do  so." 
As  Chancellor  of  the  Empire  his  policy  was  reactionary, 
but  his  shifty  ways  and  duplicity  made  his  term  of  service 
of  short  duration,  and  he  was  forced  to  give  place  to  even 
more  aggressive  partisans. 

In  the  United  States  the  death  of  a  President  or  a  change 
in  the  chief  magistracy  is  not  notified  to  other  Governments, 
as  the  rule  of  the  people  is  held  to  be  continuous,  but  the 
practice  is  different  in  the  monarchical  countries  of  Europe. 
On  the  death  of  Alexander  II  and  the  accession  of  his  son 
to  the  throne  special  ambassadors  were  dispatched  to  the 
leading  capitals  of  that  continent  to  make  known  the  fact, 
and  official  dispatches  to  that  end  were  sent  by  mail  to  all 
the  Governments  having  diplomatic  relations  with  Russia. 
It  also  became  necessary  for  all  resident  ambassadors  and 
ministers  to  procure  letters  of  credence  to  the  new 
monarch. 
When  I  received  my  new  credentials  from  President  Gar- 


202  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

field,  the  Emperor  had  gone  to  one  of  his  country  palaces, 
Gatchina,  twenty-eight  miles  from  St.  Petersburg  on  the 
railway  to  Berlin,  and  I  went  to  that  place  to  present  them. 
A  letter  dated  at  St.  Petersburg  May  19,  1881,  which  I  wrote 
to  my  wife,  then  in  Paris,  gives  the  details  of  that  visit, 
which  I  reproduce :  — 

I  am  back  from  Gatchina  after  my  audience  of  the  Em 
peror.  It  was  quite  an  affair.  At  the  railway  station  I  was 
shown  into  the  imperial  waiting-rooms,  where  were  also 
the  Persian  Prince  and  his  suite,  who  had  been  sent  by 
the  Shah  to  congratulate  the  Emperor  on  his  accession  to  the 
throne;  a  Montenegrin  delegation  of  ten  officials,  dressed 
in  brigand-looking  uniforms,  very  showy  and  each  carrying 
a  regular  arsenal  of  sword,  daggers,  and  two  or  three  pis 
tols;  the  Marquis  R, taking  his  leave,  and  the  new 

Spanish  Minister  presenting  his  credentials;  two  or  three 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  General  Loris  Melikoff,  who  has 
just  resigned,  the  Masters  of  Ceremonies,  and  other  officials 
of  the  Court. 

We  were  taken  to  Gatchina  in  a  train  of  imperial  cars, 
the  Spanish  Ministers  and  myself  occupying  one.  On 
arrival  at  the  Gatchina  Station  we  were  driven  in  court  car 
riages  to  the  palace  and  shown  to  our  apartments.  Mine 
was  a  large  parlor  and  bedroom  fitted  up  in  summer  style. 
After  near  an  hour's  rest  and  waiting,  a  part  of  which  I  spent 
in  the  parlor  of  the  Spanish  Ministers  near  by,  the  Master 
of  Ceremonies  announced  that  the  hour  had  arrived  for  the 
presentations.  We  were  conducted  from  our  part  of  the  pal 
ace  to  that  of  the  Emperor  in  the  other  extreme,  through 
a  great  number  of  rooms,  halls,  and  stairways.  It  is  the 
largest  of  the  imperial  palaces  I  have  seen,  next  to  the  Winter 
Palace,  and  is  said  to  contain  six  hundred  and  eighty-five 
rooms.  Some  of  the  halls  are  quite  attractive,  but  not  so 
grand  as  those  we  saw  at  Moscow.  One  long  hall  is  fitted 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          203 

with  Chinese  vases,  cups,  and  porcelain  of  all  descriptions, 
the  most  extensive  collection  I  have  seen. 

The  Emperor  kept  us  waiting  in  the  antechamber  nearly 
an  hour.  It  was  a  busy  day  with  him,  as  several  of  his  Cabi 
net  Ministers  were  out  to  confer  with  him.  The  Persian 
Prince  and  his  suite  in  gala  costume  were  first  received; 
then  the  Montenegrin  delegation,  swords,  pistols,  and  all; 
afterwards  myself;  and  last  the  Spanish  Ministers.  I  had 
quite  a  talk  with  the  Czar,  first  delivering  my  new  creden 
tials,  then  the  special  message  of  sympathy  from  the  Pre 
sident  on  the  death  of  his  father,  and  then  of  congratulation 
on  his  accession  and  good  wishes  for  his  reign.  He  spoke 
very  kindly  of  our  nation,  as  was  his  father's  custom. 

I  was  not  so  well  impressed  with  him  at  this  interview 
as  at  the  former  one  when  in  the  Anitchkoff  Palace  as  Czare 
vitch.  I  fear  Hoffman's  [the  Secretary  of  Legation]  un 
favorable  estimate  of  him  is  not  far  out  of  the  way.  He  has 
neither  the  vivacity  of  intellect  nor  the  warm-hearted  man 
ner  of  his  father.  He  labored  under  some  embarrassment 
in  the  interview,  as  he  spoke  English,  which  he  does  not  use 
very  fluently;  but  he  seemed  to  me  heavy.  He  apologized 
for  keeping  us  waiting  and  appeared  to  make  an  effort  to  be 
agreeable. 

Afterwards  we  were  all  conducted  to  the  apartments  of 
the  Empress,  on  the  lower  floor  and  in  another  part  of  the 
palace,  through  other  suites  of  rooms,  one  of  the  largest  of 
which  was  the  children's  playroom.  At  one  end  of  it  was 
a  small  stage  for  theatricals ;  in  another  part  of  it  billiard- 
tables  and  other  games;  some  sort  of  ice-hills;  elegantly 
upholstered  and  cushioned  swings,  etc. 

We  went  through  the  same  formalities  as  with  the  Em 
peror,  a  separate  audience  for  each  delegation,  or  minister, 
those  waiting  being  entertained  in  the  antechamber  by  the 
Masters  of  Ceremonies  and  two  ladies  of  honor,  one  quite 
elderly  and  the  other  a  young  lady,  both  speaking  English 


204  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

and  French.  The  Empress  remembered  my  former  visit 
very  well.  I  found  her  much  changed  in  spirit.  Before,  she 
was  quite  gay  and  cheerful.  Now  she  looked  sad,  weary, 
and  careworn.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation  of  less  than 
seven  minutes,  she  referred  four  times  to  the  "  terrible  af 
fair,"  the  assassination  and  its  results.  Her  womanly  and 
tender  nature  evidently  feels  it  more  than  the  phlegmatic 
Emperor. 

After  this  audience  we  were  all  led  back  through  the  whole 
series  of  rooms  we  had  traversed  before  to  our  apartments, 
except  that  Sturmer,  Master  of  Ceremonies  (you  remember 
him),  took  the  Spanish  Ministers  and  me  into  some  of  the 
private  rooms  of  the  Empress  Catherine  II,  to  see  some 
Gobelin  tapestries  presented  to  her  by  Louis  XV  of  France. 

Upon  our  arrival  at  the  palace  at  ten  A.  M.  we  had  been 
served  with  tea  and  cakes,  but  now  it  was  two  P.  M.,  and 
naturally,  with  all  this  parading  through  halls  and  bowing 
to  royalty,  we  had  gotten  up  an  appetite.  So  the  Persian 
Prince  and  his  suite  and  the  Montenegrin  delegation  were 
served  their  breakfasts  separately  in  their  parlors,  and  I  was 
asked  to  join  the  Spanish  Marquises  in  their  parlor.  The 
breakfast  or  luncheon  was  nothing  extra,  not  so  good  as  I 
could  get  at  the  restaurant  for  two  roubles,  barring  the 
wine,  china,  silver-plate,  etc. 

There  was  a  menu  on  the  table  when  we  sat  down,  but  I 
noticed  it  disappeared  very  soon.  As  it  had  an  imperial  coat 
of  arms  stamped  on  it,  I  thought  you  would  like  to  have  it 
for  your  collection,  so  after  the  breakfast  when  I  went  to 
my  room  I  asked  Schwarze  [the  Legation  chasseur],  as  he 
was  a  friend  of  some  of  the  servants,  if  he  could  get  it  for 
you.  He  went  out  and  soon  returned  with  it  and  I  enclose 
it  herewith.  He  told  me  after  we  came  home  that  the  head 
waiter  was  quite  exercised  when  he  heard  of  it,  saying  two 
of  the  dishes  on  the  menu  had  not  been  sent  up  by  the  cook, 
and  Schwarze  adds  that  the  cooks  are  paid  by  the  courses 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          205 

and  number  of  plates,  and  they  cheat  the  Emperor's  guests 
in  this  way  to  make  a  little  extra  money ! 

While  I  am  on  this  subject  I  will  give  you  a  little  more 
of  —  what  shall  I  call  it,  scandal  or  court  etiquette?  Well, 
Schwarze,  who  understands  these  matters  pretty  well,  told 
me  the  servants  would  expect  some  chi  money.  I  told  him 
to  give  them  what  was  right,  but  he  said  no,  I  had  better 
give  it  to  them.  Probably  if  they  were  not  liberal  fees,  they 
might  think  he  (Schwarze)  had  kept  half  of  it  for  himself. 
I  asked  him  to  whom  I  should  give,  as  I  did  not  have  bills 
enough  to  go  around  for  the  hundreds  of  servants  I  had  met 
in  the  halls.  So  he  sent  to  my  room,  one  at  a  time,  those 
whom  I  was  to  chi.  First  in  walked  the  grand  and  imposing 
individual  with  the  great  plumed  and  cocked  hat,  who  had 
marched  at  the  head  of  our  procession  of  princes,  marquises, 
and  ministers  plenipotentiary,  conducting  us  through  the 
palace  to  the  Emperor's  and  Empress's  audiences.  He  took 
a  five-rouble  note  with  great  graciousness !  Then  in  came 
the  head  waiter  who,  decorated  with  medals,  had  superin 
tended  the  service  of  the  breakfast;  then  some  other  men, 
I  don't  know  who  they  were  or  what  they  did ;  and  the  man 
who  stood  at  the  entrance  to  my  apartment.  To  these  I 
stingily  doled  out  three  roubles  each.  Then  the  man  who 
held  my  overcoat  while  I  put  it  on ;  the  footman  who  opened 
and  shut  the  carriage-door ;  and  the  coachman  —  two  rou 
bles  each;  and  I  believe  I  was  square  with  His  Imperial 
Majesty's  household! 

As  my  carriage  was  announced  and  I  went  out  into  the 
hall,  I  saw  the  Marquis  R ,  pocketbook  in  hand,  sur 
rounded  by  a  crowd  of  servants  and  apparently  "in  a  peck  of 
trouble."  He  called  to  me  at  once,  and  I  found  they  were 
after  their  fees,  which  they  thought  he  was  about  to  depart 
without  leaving.  He  did  not  bring  his  servant  with  him, 
and  had  not  gotten  the  cue,  as  I  had.  He  wanted  to  know 
how  much  I  had  paid  them.  I  suppose  they  had  told  him 


206  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

of  my  liberality !  I  informed  him  of  the  size  of  my  fees  and 
hurried  away,  leaving  him  in  the  hands  of  the  hungry  sub 
jects  of  the  Czar. 

You  may  tell  this  story  to  my  friend  and  colleague  Phelps 
[William  Walter  Phelps,  en  route  to  his  post  as  Minister  at 
Berlin],  but  you  must  be  careful  it  don't  get  back  to  St. 
Petersburg,  as  I  might  have  a  Catacazy  affair  on  my 
hands. 

As  I  was  about  to  take  my  carriage  the  two  young  sons 
of  the  Emperor,  the  Czarevitch  and  his  brother,  rode  into 
the  courtyard  and  dismounted.  Their  tutor,  recognizing 
me,  brought  them  up  and  we  shook  hands  and  passed  a 
few  pleasant  words. 

Two  famous  state  trials  occurred  in  St.  Petersburg  dur 
ing  my  mission.  The  first  of  these  took  place  in  November, 
1880,  and  embraced  the  persons  charged  with  the  attempts 
upon  the  life  of  Alexander  II  in  1879  and  1880;  and  the 
second,  the  trial  of  those  concerned  in  his  assassination,  and 
which  took  place  a  short  time  after  that  event.  The  accused 
were  composed  exclusively  of  the  extremely  revolutionary 
party  known  as  the  Nihilists.  Their  existence  represented 
little  more  than  a  wild  and  desperate  revolt  against  things 
as  they  then  were  in  the  social,  moral,  and  political  world. 
Their  principles  may  thus  be  defined :  No  more  monarchy ; 
no  more  state  religion ;  no  more  landed  proprietors,  but  the 
soil  to  be  free  as  air,  since  every  one  has  a  right  to  susten 
ance;  no  more  armies  and  administration;  kings,  soldiers, 
priests,  judges,  the  rich  and  privileged,  are  all  enemies  of 
the  commonwealth,  and  as  such  are  to  be  resisted  and  ex 
terminated;  every  public  functionary  hostile  to  those  de 
signs  to  be  doomed  to  die.  If  asked  what  they  expected 
from  their  violent  and  subversive  movement,  they  would 
answer:  " Society  cannot  punish.  The  social  state  which 
will  rise  in  the  place  of  what  we  are  about  to  destroy  cannot 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III  207 

be  worse  than  what  exists.  Perish,  therefore,  the  Russia  of 
the  Romanoffs!" 

These  trials  were  public,  persons  being  admitted  by  card, 
and  attracted  distinguished  audiences  of  public  men,  diplo 
mats,  and  representatives  of  the  press.  They  were  con 
ducted  with  dignity,  fairness,  and  patience.  Where  the 
accused  were  not  able  to  employ  counsel,  lawyers  of  stand 
ing  were  assigned  by  the  Government  to  their  defense.  On 
the  first  trial  five  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  capital 
punishment;  and  eleven  others  were  sentenced  to  labor  in 
the  mines  for  life  and  for  different  terms. 

The  trial  developed  the  fact  that  the  Nihilistic  party  was 
composed  of  only  a  small  band  of  desperate  persons  reckless 
of  their  lives,  but  back  of  them  there  was  a  large  body  of 
people  both  in  high  and  low  society,  discontented  with  the 
condition  of  affairs,  and  who  longed  for  a  representative 
government  and  a  reform  in  the  administration.  It  was  felt, 
however,  that  the  punishment  of  this  group  of  Nihilists 
would  paralyze  the  extreme  action  of  the  conspirators.  The 
correspondent  of  the  London  " Times"  voiced  the  hopes  of 
Russian  society  when,  in  telegraphing  the  result  of  the  first 
trial,  he  wrote  that  "  their  present  appearance  at  the  bar  of 
justice  will  probably  be  the  last  we  shall  have  of  the  party 
of  terror."  And  yet  at  that  very  time  the  Nihilists  were 
planning  the  assassination  of  the  Emperor,  which  was  ac 
complished  within  less  than  four  months. 

In  the  second  trial  six  persons  were  found  guilty  and 
sentenced  to  capital  punishment,  four  men  and  two  women. 
The  prosecutor  of  the  Crown  was  M.  Muravieff,  who  in  later 
years  figured  prominently  in  Russian  affairs  as  Minister 
of  Justice.  The  president  of  the  St.  Petersburg  Bar  was  the 
leading  counsel  for  the  prisoners.  The  most  noted  character 
among  the  accused  was  a  woman,  Sophie  Perofsky,  of  aris 
tocratic  connections,  social  position,  and  superior  educa 
tion,  the  daughter  of  a  senator  and  former  governor  of  the 


208  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

St.  Petersburg  province.  She  imbibed  socialistic  views  and 
for  a  time  devoted  herself  to  relieving  distress  among  the 
people,  as  a  nurse  ministering  to  the  sick  and  caring  for 
young  children,  but  she  became  a  convert  to  the  Nihilistic 
doctrines,  and  from  "an  angel  of  peace"  she  turned  to  be 
"an  angel  of  death."  It  was  she  who  stood  watch  while 
the  Moscow  railway  mine  was  being  constructed,  and  it  was 
said  kept  a  hundred  pounds  of  dynamite  under  her  bed 
ready  to  explode  and  blow  herself  and  associates  into  eter 
nity  if  detected.  It  was  she  who  waved  her  handkerchief 
as  a  signal  when  the  wrong  train  was  blown  up.  More  suc 
cessful  was  she  when  a  second  time  she  waved  her  hand 
kerchief  at  the  Catherine  Canal  in  St.  Petersburg  to  the 
holder  of  the  bomb  which  ended  the  reign  of  the  hunted 
Autocrat  of  the  Russias. 

She  was  small  of  stature,  with  an  intellectual  face,  modest 
in  appearance,  and  neat  in  dress.  But  when  she  was  called 
upon  by  the  court  to  speak  in  her  own  behalf,  she  was  bold, 
even  audacious,  and  candid.  She  made  no  effort  to  conceal 
her  opinions  or  her  conduct ;  she  avowed  herself  a  Nihilist 
and  gloried  in  it ;  admitted  her  participation  in  the  assassina 
tion  ;  and  asked  to  be  dealt  with  regardless  of  her  sex.  The 
other  woman  conspirator  was  a  Hebrew  girl  of  education, 
who  had  also  taken  part  in  the  Moscow  mine  explosion. 

After  the  trial  M.  de  Giers  asked  me  about  the  details 
of  the  trial  and  execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt  for  complicity  in 
the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  and  as  to  the  prac 
tice  in  the  United  States  respecting  the  punishment  of 
women  convicted  of  capital  crimes.  He  made  the  inquiry, 
he  said,  because  there  was  a  pressure  being  brought  to  bear 
on  the  Emperor  to  commute  the  sentences  of  the  two 
women.  After  the  execution  Baron  Jomini  of  the  Foreign 
Office  told  me  that  in  hanging  the  women  they  "had  fol 
lowed  the  example  of  the  United  States  in  the  case  of  Mrs. 
Surratt."  I  did  not  fail  to  tell  both  him  and  M.  de  Giers  that 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          209 

a  large  part  of  the  people  of  our  country  condemned  that 
execution. 

The  Nihilistic  movement  developed  a  striking  character 
istic  of  the  Russian  people  —  the  intellectual  superiority 
and  the  heroic  courage  of  their  women.  Two  of  their  greatest 
sovereigns  were  Elizabeth  and  Catherine  II.  I  have  men 
tioned  two  Russian  females,  celebrated  in  politics  and 
diplomacy,  brought  under  my  observation.  Classed  with 
Sophie  Perofsky  as  Nihilist  martyrs  were  two  others  who 
before  my  time  had  gained  notoriety.  The  earlier  of  these, 
Sophie  Bardin,  a  young  lady  of  noble  birth,  was  arrested 
and  sent  to  a  Siberian  prison  for  disseminating  the  doctrines 
of  her  party.  Her  eloquent  address  to  the  court,  which  was 
printed  and  sold  in  St.  Petersburg  by  the  thousands,  closed 
with  prophetic  words  which  have  had  their  fulfillment  in 
later  years :  "The  association  will  avenge  me,  and  its  venge 
ance  will  be  terrible.  Let  your  hangman  and  judges  mas 
sacre  and  destroy  us  now,  during  the  time  that  force  is  still 
on  your  side.  We  set  against  you  our  moral  might,  and  that 
will  triumph.  Progress,  Liberty,  Equality  fight  for  us,  and 
through  these  ideas  no  bayonet  can  thrust." 

Still  more  famous  was  Vera  Sassolitch.  Thrown  into  jail 
at  seventeen  because  she  was  the  friend  of  the  sister  of  a 
well-known  Nihilist,  where  she  remained  two  years  without 
a  trial,  she  was  thus  driven  into  the  ranks  of  the  conspirators. 
With  great  daring  she  shot  a  Russian  general  for  his  cruel 
ties.  His  punishment  was  so  deserved  that  when  she  pleaded 
guilty  in  the  court,  the  jury  acquitted  her.  She  was  ap 
plauded  by  almost  every  paper  in  St.  Petersburg,  and  wel 
comed  in  Geneva  and  Paris  by  the  revolutionary  refugees 
"as  a  heroine.  Since  that  time  many  female  revolutionists 
have  followed  the  example  of  these  martyrs  to  their  cause. 

These  instances  give  some  indication  of  the  intellectual 
and  political  activity  of  Russian  women.  In  this  connection 
it  may  be  remarked  that  in  no  country  of  Europe  is  woman 


210  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

better  protected  in  her  rights  or  has  more  avenues  of  use 
fulness  open  to  her.  The  Empress  Elizabeth  more  than  a 
hundred  years  ago  conferred  upon  her  absolute  equality  of 
civil  rights  with  man.  Marriage  deprives  no  woman  of  her 
property.  Married  women  can  receive  legacies,  bequeath 
property,  and  deal  with  their  estate  in  all  respects  as  if  they 
were  unmarried.  Not  the  least  of  the  acts  of  the  illustrious 
reign  of  Alexander  II  was  the  opening  of  the  universities 
and  professions  to  them.  A  French  writer,  who  has  given 
much  attention  to  the  study  of  Russian  affairs,  says:  "For 
intelligence  and  resolution,  as  well  as  for  education  and  the 
rank  she  holds  in  the  family,  the  Russian  woman  is  already 
the  equal  of  the  man.  In  mind  and  character  she  possesses 
so  much  strength  and  energy  that,  without  losing  either 
her  grace  or  her  charms,  she  exercises  often  a  singular  and 
irresistible  ascendancy." 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  my  experiences  during  the 
impressive  ceremonies  attending  the  murdered  Czar's  funeral 
was  the  visit  to  examine  the  offerings  which  had  been  sent 
from  all  parts  of  his  Empire  and  from  all  the  crowned  heads 
and  royal  families  of  Europe,  and  placed  on  and  about  his  bier 
as  he  lay  in  state  in  the  fortress  cathedral.  Amid  the  costly 
mementoes  of  sovereigns  and  the  magnificent  votive  memo 
rials  of  his  subjects,  there  was  seen  a  simple  silver  wreath 
with  the  inscription  upon  it,  "To  the  Czar  Civilizer,"  which 
with  grateful  hands  and  sorrowful  hearts  had  been  borne 
by  a  deputation  of  thirty  female  physicians.  It  will  enhance 
our  estimate  of  the  great  work  of  humanity  which  Alexan 
der  II  did  for  his  people  when  I  add  that  under  his  reign 
women  were  first  permitted  to  practice  the  healing  art  in 
Europe.  Their  efficiency  and  usefulness  were  first  shown 
in  the  war  with  Turkey,  and  female  nurses  went  to  far-off 
Manchuria  to  care  for  the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  war  with 
Japan.  During  my  mission  the  world  was  thrilled  with  ad 
miration  at  the  announcement,  in  the  newspaper  account  of 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          211 

the  advance  of  the  Russian  forces  in  the  Turcoman  desert 
that  the  Countess  Milutine,  daughter  of  a  Cabinet  Minister, 
a  member  of  a  Red  Cross  Society,  had  been  severely  wounded 
in  the  storming  of  Gheok  Tepe  in  the  front  rank  of  the 
army. 

When  I  passed  through  London  on  my  way  to  Russia  I 
met  in  St.  James's  Palace  the  Persian  Minister  to  Great 
Britain,  who  expressed  to  me  the  desire  that  our  Govern 
ment  would  send  a  representative  to  his  country.  I  have 
referred  to  the  presence  in  St.  Petersburg  of  an  Ambassador 
Extraordinary  of  the  Shah  of  Persia  to  congratulate  Alex 
ander  III  on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  This  dignitary  bore 
the  title  of  His  Highness  Siepehsalar-Azam-Hadji-Mirza- 
Houssein-Kahn,  and  was  a  person  of  intelligence  and  im 
portance  in  his  own  country.  Reciprocating  a  visit  which 
had  been  made  to  the  Legation,  I  called  upon  him,  and  in 
the  course  of  the  conversation  the  Prince  expressed  regret 
that  the  United  States  did  not  maintain  official  relations 
with  Persia,  notwithstanding  a  treaty  of  friendship  and 
commerce  existed  contemplating  such  relations.  He  said 
that  American  ships  visited  the  Persian  ports  and  that  there 
were  American  citizens  residing  in  the  country.  He  added 
that  the  most  of  the  latter  were  missionaries,  with  whom 
he  had  been  brought  into  intimate  relations,  as  he  had  been 
appointed  not  long  before  to  investigate  charges  preferred 
against  them,  which  he  found  to  be  without  foundation, 
and  that  they  were  worthy  people.  I  reported  at  some 
length  to  the  Department  of  State  this  conversation,  and 
gave  an  account  of  the  condition  of  that  country.  This  re 
port  was  sent  to  Congress  and,  I  was  informed,  had  an  im 
portant  influence  in  the  creation  of  a  permanent  diplomatic 
mission  in  Persia. 

In  the  letter  to  my  wife,  from  which  I  have  already  made 
copious  extracts,  there  is  the  following  paragraph:  "The 
old  Prince  Oldenburg  is  dead,  and  we  have  to  go  to  the  fun- 


212  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

eral  to-morrow  in  full  uniform,  and  have  another  two  hours' 
service  in  the  cathedral.  What  a  large  experience  I  am  hav 
ing  in  the  funeral  business !"  Only  a  few  months  before  we 
had  attended  a  brilliant  reception  and  ball  given  in  his 
palace,  and  the  Prince,  although  advanced  in  years  and 
feeble,  received  his  guests  in  person  and  was  showered  with 
congratulations,  for  he  was  probably  the  most  popular  and 
highly  esteemed  of  all  the  imperial  family.  He  was  pos 
sessed  of  great  wealth  and  used  it  freely  for  the  benefit  of 
the  common  people  in  the  maintenance  of  schools,  hospi 
tals,  and  other  charities.  The  present  Prince  Oldenburg  has 
followed  in  his  father's  footsteps  and  has  enlarged  his  char 
ities.  In  the  Oldenburg  Institute  more  than  two  thousand 
boys  and  girls  are  taught  trades  and  receive  a  technical 
education,  more  than  half  of  them  being  furnished  with 
board  and  lodging,  all  at  the  expense  of  the  Prince.  He  has 
also  established  a  sort  of  people's  palace,  after  the  one  or 
ganized  by  Sir  Walter  Besant  in  London,  where  the  poor 
can  obtain  for  a  nominal  price  food  and  non-alcoholic  drinks, 
as  well  as  theatrical  and  musical  entertainment. 

After  the  close  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  the  Prince  and 
Princess  were  participants  in  a  very  melancholy  and  start 
ling  scene  on  the  occasion  of  the  inauguration  of  a  School 
of  Experimental  Medicine,  endowed  by  the  Prince's  muni 
ficence.  During  the  exercises  General  von  Launitz  was 
shot  by  a  terrorist,  while  standing  close  to  the  Prince.  The 
Princess  believed  that  it  was  her  husband  who  had  been 
murdered,  and  she  fell  in  a  swoon  from  which  she  never  re 
covered.  We  hear  much  of  the  profligacy  and  extravagance 
of  the  high  society  of  Russia,  and  it  is  gratifying  to  note  the 
humane  and  liberal  acts  of  this  member  of  the  imperial 
family,  and  to  add  that  there  are  many  others  of  the  nobil 
ity  and  wealthy  in  the  Empire  who  devote  much  of  their 
time  and  fortunes  to  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of 
their  countrymen. 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          213 

During  the  summer  of  1881  I  had  planned  a  trip  down 
the  Volga  River  and  into  the  Caucasus,  but  just  as  I  was 
about  to  set  out  upon  the  journey  the  terrible  news  of  the 
attempt  upon  the  life  of  President  Garfield  on  July  2  reached 
me.  During  the  first  weeks  of  anxiety  and  surprise,  with 
our  President  lying  between  life  and  death,  I  did  not  feel 
justified  in  leaving  the  Capital,  and  the  visit  to  the  interior 
of  the  Empire  had  to  be  abandoned.  It  was  a  sad  coinci 
dence  that  during  my  comparatively  brief  residence  in  St. 
Petersburg,  the  head  of  the  state  in  both  countries  should 
be  stricken  down  by  the  hands  of  assassins. 

In  August,  1881,  I  left  the  Capital,  under  a  leave  of  ab 
sence,  and  made  a  visit  to  the  United  States,  which  proved 
my  farewell  to  Russia.  After  reaching  home  I  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  interests  of  my  family  and  due  considera 
tion  for  my  own  future  demanded  my  retirement  from  office. 
I  had  been  continuously  in  the  Diplomatic  Service  for  nearly 
nine  years.  They  had  proved  very  interesting  and  instruct 
ive  and  I  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  my  labors.  But 
under  our  system  of  government  I  could  not  hope  to  make 
the  Diplomatic  Service  a  life  career.  I  was  giving  to  the 
Government  the  best  years  of  my  life,  and  I  thought  it  bet 
ter  to  choose  my  own  time  for  retirement  than  to  have  it 
determined  by  a  change  of  administration. 

I  had  a  growing  family  and  I  preferred  to  give  them  an 
education  in  our  own  country  rather  than  abroad.  Financial 
considerations  also  influenced  my  determination.  Before 
entering  the  Service  I  had  not  accumulated  a  competency, 
and  the  salary  received  from  the  Government  required  me 
to  exercise  economy  in  office.  I  did  not  consider  it  either 
prudent  or  honest  to  adopt  a  style  of  living  beyond  my  in 
come.  I  do  not  advocate  large  salaries  for  our  diplomatic 
representatives,  but  permanent  houses  should  be  provided 
for  them,  and  there  should  be  such  a  moderate  increase  in 
their  salaries  as  would  justify  men  of  talents  without  for- 


214  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

tunes  entering  the  Service.  Lavish  display  is  not  becoming 
in  the  representatives  of  a  democratic  government,  but  they 
should  be  enabled  to  live  comfortably  and  in  becoming  style 
without  drawing  upon  their  private  means  or  credit. 

Having  decided  to  resume  my  residence  in  the  United 
States  and  give  attention  to  the  practice  of  my  profession, 
I  accordingly  tendered  my  resignation  on  November  1, 
1881.  Secretary  Elaine,  immediately  after  my  return,  had 
assured  me  that  it  was  the  wish  of  both  the  President  and 
himself  that  I  should  remain  in  the  Service  either  at  St. 
Petersburg  or  some  other  post,  but  I  adhered  to  my  desire 
to  retire.  The  Secretary  in  accepting  my  resignation  wrote 
me  as  follows :  — 

The  reluctance  which  the  Government  naturally  feels 
to  sever  its  relations  with  a  valued  officer  whose  zeal  and 
usefulness  have  been  so  signally  shown  in  high  spheres  of 
duty,  joined  to  the  regret  which  I  personally  feel  on  losing 
your  trusted  cooperation  in  carrying  out  abroad  the  policy 
of  the  Department,  would  counsel  the  non-acceptance  of 
your  resignation,  were  it  not  that  I  am  convinced  that  the 
step  you  take,  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  private  inter 
ests,  is  positive  and  final  on  your  part. 

I  therefore  accept,  in  the  name  of  the  President,  the  resig 
nation  you  now  tender.  In  doing  so,  permit  me  to  express 
the  deep  sense  of  satisfaction  with  which  the  Department 
looks  back  on  its  relations  with  you,  and  the  unvarying 
approbation  which  your  official  actions  have  received  at  its 
hands  during  your  incumbency  of  the  responsible  missions 
intrusted  to  you,  and  to  add  the  regret  now  felt  that  you 
can  no  longer  continue  your  useful  work. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 

Russia  has  not  proved  such  an  attractive  place  for  Ameri- 


RUSSIA  UNDER  ALEXANDER  III          215 

can  representatives  as  to  lead  many  of  them  to  make  a  long 
residence  there.  The  cause  for  this  is  mainly  the  climate. 
The  long  nights  of  winter  and  the  long  days  of  summer  are 
both  found  to  be  wearisome.  The  first  or  second  winter, 
with  its  gay  society,  brilliant  receptions  and  balls,  and  its 
outdoor  sports  proves  quite  enjoyable ;  but  in  time  the  rigor 
of  the  climate  becomes  unwelcome  to  the  people  of  warmer 
latitudes. 

Nearly  a  hundred  years  ago  our  Minister,  the  noted 
lawyer,  William  Pinkney,  wrote  that  everybody  was  so  kind 
to  them  that  they  almost  forgot  that  the  climate  did  not 
suit  them.  We  are  impressed  with  the  stubborn  resolution 
which  led  Peter  the  Great  to  build  his  magnificent  capital 
in  a  swamp  on  the  sixtieth  degree  of  latitude  north,  but  we 
sympathize  with  the  Russians  who  long  for  the  day  when 
European  politics  will  allow  the  occupation  of  Constantinople, 
which  will  prove  a  more  pleasant  "window"  from  which  to 
look  out  upon  the  world.  Notwithstanding  the  climate,  we 
found  our  residence  in  St.  Petersburg  very  enjoyable,  and 
we  left  it  with  the  most  pleasant  memories  of  our  inter 
course  with  its  people. 


CHAPTEE  XVII 

MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO   RUSSIA 

SIXTEEN  years  after  the  close  of  my  first  mission  to  Eussia, 
I  was  intrusted  by  President  McKinley  with  a  second  mis 
sion  to  the  Government  of  that  empire.  Although  it  breaks 
the  continuity  of  this  narrative,  and  is  chronologically  out 
of  place,  I  have  thought  it  better  to  complete  in  this  order 
my  connection  with  Eussian  affairs. 

My  second  mission  grew  out  of  the  controversy  with  Great 
Britain  over  the  protection  of  the  fur-seals  in  Bering  Sea. 
As  that  question  will  be  made  the  subject  of  a  subsequent 
chapter,  I  reserve  an  account  of  the  official  acts  of  this  mis 
sion  to  that  chapter,  and  confine  the  narrative  at  this  time 
to  my  social  and  personal  experiences.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  in  discharge  of  my  duties,  I  should  be  brought  in  con 
tact  with  the  ambassadors  of  Eussia  and  Great  Britain  and 
of  the  secretaries  for  foreign  affairs  of  both  governments, 
I  was  commissioned  an  "Ambassador  Extraordinary  and 
Plenipotentiary,"  and  intrusted  with  credential  letters  ad 
dressed  to  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Emperor  of 
Eussia. 

I  sailed  from  New  York  on  May  19,  1897,  accompanied 
by  Mrs.  Foster.  A  short  time  before  sailing  I  received  a 
telegram,  sent  from  Vancouver,  from  Chang  Yen  Hoon,  an 
nouncing  his  arrival  in  that  city,  en  route  to  London,  and 
asking  that  arrangements  be  made  for  us  to  cross  the  At 
lantic  on  the  same  steamer.  He  had  been  the  Chinese  Min 
ister  in  Washington  for  four  years,  from  1886  to  1890,  when 
I  acted  as  counsel  for  his  legation,  and  I  was  again  brought 
into  close  association  with  him  in  1895,  when  I  went  to 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA          217 

Japan  and  China  to  aid  him  as  one  of  the  peace  commis 
sioners  to  terminate  the  war  between  those  countries.  For 
a  number  of  years  he  was  a  Minister  of  the  Foreign  Office  at 
Peking,  and  was  now  on  his  way  to  London  as  the  Special 
Ambassador  of  the  Emperor  to  Queen  Victoria's  Jubilee. 

He  was  traveling,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Orientals,  in 
great  state,  with  a  numerous  retinue  of  secretaries,  officials, 
and  servants,  and  they  attracted  great  attention  on  the 
steamer.  His  chief  secretary  had  been  educated  in  the 
United  States,  had  filled  a  number  of  important  posts,  and 
later  as  Sir  Chentung  Liang  Cheng  filled  the  place  of  Minis 
ter  to  the  United  States  for  several  years  with  much  useful 
ness  to  his  Government  and  credit  to  himself.  The  ambassa 
dor  and  his  suite  showed  themselves  quite  friendly  to  their 
fellow  passengers.  A  young  lady  just  fresh  from  Vassar 
College  inquired  of  me  if  they  were  intelligent,  seemingly 
regarding  them  as  semi-barbarians.  I  introduced  her  to  one 
of  the  junior  secretaries,  the  son  of  Marquis  Tseng,  my  col 
league  at  St.  Petersburg.  After  long  conversations  with  him, 
she  came  to  me  in  perfect  amazement.  She  had  never  met 
such  an  intelligent  young  man.  Why,  she  found  him  much 
better  versed  in  classic  English  literature  than  herself,  and 
he  had  all  our  great  poets  on  his  tongue's  end ! 

We  made  only  a  short  stay  in  London,  as  I  was  desirous 
of  reaching  St.  Petersburg  before  the  official  vacation  and 
the  summer  hegira  from  St.  Petersburg  began.  Every  one 
was  absorbed  in  the  coming  Diamond  Jubilee  of  Queen  Vic 
toria  and  the  festivities  were  just  beginning.  Among  these 
entertainments,  we  were  bidden  to,  what  the  Lord  Cham 
berlain  styled  in  his  invitation,  "An  Evening  Party,"  at 
Buckingham  Palace,  which  was  a  full-dress  state  concert, 
presided  over  for  the  Queen  by  the  (then)  Prince  and  Prin 
cess  of  Wales.  All  the  high  dignitaries  were  in  attendance, 
and  conspicuous  in  the  front  row  of  the  duchesses  sat  the 
young  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (nee  Vanderbilt)  ablaze  with 


218  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

jewels,  her  diamond  tiara  apparently  too  heavy  for  her  slight 
form,  she  all  unconscious  of  the  sorrows  in  store  for  her. 

A  supper  followed,  during  which  Mrs.  Foster  was  honored 
with  a  presentation  to  the  Princess  Alexandra;  and  the 
Prince  of  Wales  (Edward  VII),  to  whom  I  had  been  pre 
sented  on  a  previous  visit,  held  quite  a  conversation  with 
me,  inquiring  about  the  object  of  my  mission,  affairs  in  the 
United  States,  etc.  He  impressed  me  as  a  man  of  only  fair 
ability,  not  greatly  oppressed  with  the  cares  of  state,  but 
not  likely  to  do  any  imprudent  acts  as  sovereign. 

En  route  to  St.  Petersburg  we  stopped  over  two  days  at 
Berlin.  Ambassador  Uhl,  who  was  just  retiring  with  the 
out-going  Cleveland  Administration,  was  kind  and  attent 
ive  and  made  our  brief  stay  very  pleasant.  Our  attendance 
at  the  German  opera  impressed  us  with  two  things  —  first,  the 
great  devotion  of  the  Germans  to  music,  —  they  attend  the 
opera  to  enjoy  the  music,  not  for  social  gayety,  and  they 
give  it  their  undivided  attention;  second,  the  early  hours 
they  keep  —  the  opera  began  at  seven  o'clock,  and  we  were 
back  at  our  hotel  before  eleven. 

We  were  fortunate  in  being  able  to  attend  a  great  mili 
tary  review  for  which  Germany  is  so  famous,  Ambassador 
Uhl  securing  for  our  carriage  a  place  in  the  ambassadorial 
line  near  to  the  imperial  headquarters.  Both  the  Emperor 
William  and  the  Empress  were  mounted  and  were  active 
during  the  review.  The  Empress  wore  a  white  cloth  dress, 
with  a  military  hat,  and  made  an  attractive  appearance 
on  horseback.  The  Emperor  appeared  small  of  stature,  but 
carried  himself  well  and  showed  a  soldierly  bearing.  We 
recalled  the  fact  that  we  last  saw  his  father  the  Emperor 
Frederick,  when  as  Crown  Prince  he  reviewed  the  Spanish 
troops  at  Madrid  fourteen  years  before. 

We  noticed  a  great  improvement  in  the  railway  service 
since  our  first  journey  to  St.  Petersburg.  A  train  is  taken  at 
Calais,  with  comfortable  sleeping-cars  and  a  well-appointed 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA          219' 

dining-car,  which  runs  without  change  to  the  Russian  fron 
tier.  There  a  transfer  to  another  train  is  made  necessary  by 
the  difference  in  gauge  of  the  Russian  railways.  The  only 
merit  of  this  system  of  gauge  is  a  military  one,  as  it  would 
prevent  the  use  of  the  Russian  roads  by  their  western  neigh 
bors  in  time  of  war. 

The  ride  from  the  frontier  to  St.  Petersburg  presented 
the  same  features  as  it  did  sixteen  years  earlier.  The  trains 
moved  along  at  the  same  deliberate  speed,  the  express  rarely 
exceeding  twenty  miles  an  hour.  There  was  the  same  dreary 
expanse  of  poor  lands,  birch  and  fir  forests,  with  occasional 
unattractive  towns,  till  we  drew  into  the  station  at  St. 
Petersburg.  Peter  the  Great's  northern  capital  was  little 
changed,  except  that  it  had  grown  considerably  in  popula 
tion.  The  Nevsky  Prospect  and  the  other  broad  avenues 
were  even  more  bustling  and  gay  than  formerly.  The  vast 
Winter  Palace  wore  its  accustomed  sombre  aspect.  The 
cathedrals  and  churches,  with  their  Oriental  architecture, 
and  their  domes  and  spires  glittering  in  blue  and  green-and- 
gold,  still  possessed  their  charm.  The  drive  through  the 
islands  park  continued  to  attract  the  high  society,  with  the 
draw-up  at  "The  Point"  to  listen  to  the  music  of  the  mili 
tary  bands  and  to  see  the  sun  still  high  above  the  waters 
of  the  Gulf  as  midnight  approached.  The  " white  nights"  of 
June,  with  the  full  moon  added  to  the  panorama,  still  filled 
the  parks  as  late  as  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  with  joyous  child 
ren.  It  was  the  same  great  city  which  years  before  had 
proved  so  strange  and  attractive  to  us. 

The  intervening  years  had  brought  a  complete  change  in 
the  official  personnel  of  the  Government.  A  new  czar  was 
ruling  the  nation.  My  friend  Prince  Lieven  had  given  place 
as  Grand  Master  of  Ceremonies  to  Prince  Dolgorouki.  In 
the  Foreign  Office  where  M.  de  Giers  had  so  often  welcomed 
me,  I  found  Count  Mouravieff,  a  member  of  the  great  family 
of  that  name  which  had  done  so  much  for  the  glory  and  en- 


220  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

largement  of  the  Empire.  He  had  the  reputation  of  being 
a  very  clever  diplomat,  but  contrary  opinions  were  enter 
tained  as  to  his  character.  Bitter  opposition  was  shown  to 
his  promotion  to  the  post  of  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
but  he  had  an  influential  advocate  in  the  person  of  the 
Dowager  Empress,  with  whom  he  had  formed  a  warm 
friendship  when  he  for  so  many  years  represented  his 
country  at  the  court  of  her  father  in  Copenhagen.  He 
received  me  very  kindly,  readily  took  up  with  me  the  busi 
ness  of  my  special  mission,  and  dispatched  it  with  prompt 
ness  and  to  my  entire  satisfaction. 

The  year  following  my  visit  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  Count 
Mouravieff  to  be  a  conspicuous  participant  in  one  of  the 
most  important  and  far-reaching  proceedings  in  modern 
diplomatic  history  —  the  convocation  by  Nicholas  II  of  the 
first  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague.  The  rescript  of 
the  Emperor  was  written  by  the  Count.  Its  statement  of  the 
blessings  of  peace,  the  evil  effects  of  the  vast  military  es 
tablishments  of  the  Great  Powers,  and  the  desirability  of  the 
limitation  of  armaments,  have  never  been  more  eloquently 
or  forcefully  portrayed.  It  entitles  him  to  imperishable 
fame  as  a  diplomatist  and  friend  of  peace.  I  was  much 
grieved  at  his  untimely  death  not  long  afterwards,  thus  cut 
ting  short  a  useful  public  career. 

The  Empress  Dowager,  the  Princess  Dagmar  of  Denmark, 
known  in  Russia  by  her  marital  name  of  Marie  Feodorovna, 
has  been  an  important  personage  in  Russian  politics  both 
during  the  reign  of  her  husband,  Alexander  III,  and  of  her 
son  Nicholas  II.  She  bore  the  name  of  the  popular  queen  of 
the  victorious  Valdemar,  whose  reign  Danish  history  and 
tradition  so  fondly  cherish,  and  when  she  left  them  as  the 
bride  of  the  Czarevitch  the  Danish  people  testified  in  the  most 
unmistakable  manner  their  great  affection  for  her.  In  St. 
Petersburg  her  sweet  disposition  and  grace  of  manner  soon 
made  her,  of  all  the  members  of  the  imperial  family,  the 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA          221 

favorite  with  the  public.  When  I  first  went  to  Russia,  four 
teen  years  after  her  marriage,  society  was  still  talking  of 
the  great  enthusiasm  awakened  by  her  first  entrance  into 
the  Capital.  She  was  not  so  handsome  and  stately  as  her 
sister,  Queen  Alexandra  of  England,  but  she  was  in  some 
respects  even  more  attractive.  Her  sweet  smile,  her  beauti 
ful  eyes,  and  the  delightful  way  she  had  of  bowing  to  the 
public  easily  won  popular  favor. 

She  was  reputed  to  have  sympathized  with  Alexander  III 
in  the  repressive  measures  adopted  early  in  his  reign.  In 
my  audience  of  her  soon  after  that  event,  as  already  noticed, 
she  showed  herself  greatly  oppressed  with  the  horror  of  the 
assassination,  and  it  was  natural  that  there  should  be  in  her 
tender  nature  a  revulsion  of  feeling  and  even  a  bitterness 
of  spirit  towards  the  party  whose  agents  did  the  foul  deed. 
But  the  general  character  of  her  influence  in  both  reigns 
has  been  beneficent.  It  could  scarcely  be  otherwise,  when 
we  remember  the  careful  training  she  received  in  the  model 
royal  family  of  Denmark.  The  bluff,  soldierly,  and  some 
what  sinister  character  of  her  husband  was  greatly  modified 
by  association  with  her.  Possibly  she  has  imparted  to  her 
son  too  much  of  her  tender  nature,  which  leads  to  irresolu 
tion.  He  at  least  does  not  appear  to  have  inherited  much 
of  the  tenacity  of  purpose  of  his  great-grandfather  and 
namesake  Nicholas  I. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  I  was  received  in  special  audience 
by  the  Emperor  Nicholas  II,  to  present  my  credential  letter 
from  President  McKinley,  and  to  discuss  with  him  the  ob 
ject  of  my  mission.  As  is  the  custom  there  on  such  occasions, 
I  was  left  entirely  alone  with  him.  He  asked  me  to  be  seated, 
and  conducted  a  conversation  of  unusual  length,  in  which 
he  showed  a  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  then  somewhat 
intricate  question  of  the  protection  of  the  fur-seals  of  Bering 
Sea.  In  expressing  my  surprise  afterwards  to  Count  Moura- 
vieff  at  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  subject,  the  Minister 


222  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

said  that  when  the  appointment  for  the  audience  was  made 
the  Emperor  asked  for  full  information  and  that  a  great 
collection  of  documents  bearing  on  it  had  been  sent  him. 
He  remarked  that  such  was  his  habit  as  to  all  matters  com 
ing  before  him.  The  Count  was  disposed  to  criticise  this 
practice,  as  he  said  it  consumed  so  much  of  His  Majesty's 
time,  which  might  be  more  profitably  occupied. 

I  left  the  Emperor  with  a  favorable  impression  of  his  char 
acter  and  ability.  He  was  youthful  in  appearance  for  his 
years,  he  had  the  kindly  look  in  his  eyes  which  so  distin 
guishes  his  mother,  and  he  inspired  me  with  his  sincerity 
and  conscientiousness.  He  had  not  then  been  subjected  to 
the  supreme  test  of  his  ability  and  character  which  has  come 
upon  him  during  and  since  the  Japanese  war. 

We  did  not  see  the  Empress,  as  she  was  at  that  time  with 
drawn  from  society.  The  city  was  all  decorated  in  anticipa 
tion  of  another  heir  to  the  throne,  and  the  public  in  expect 
ancy.  The  event  was  to  be  announced  by  the  firing  of  an 
artillery  salute,  of  three  hundred  and  one  guns  if  a  boy,  and 
one  hundred  and  one  if  a  girl.  It  occurred  during  our  stay, 
and  when  the  one  hundred  and  one  guns  were  fired  there 
was  a  general  feeling  of  disappointment,  it  being  the  second 
daughter  brought  into  the  imperial  family. 

We  found  the  Empress  very  unpopular  with  the  Russians. 
She  is  the  granddaughter  of  Queen  Victoria  of  England, 
has  had  a  strict  moral  training,  and  has  not  readily  taken  to 
the  freer  life  of  St.  Petersburg.  Her  action  in  causing  the 
state  balls  to  be  changed  from  Sunday  night,  her  abhorrence 
of  cigarette-smoking  by  the  court  ladies,  and  other  of  her 
views  respecting  social  affairs  have  given  her  the  reputation 
of  prudishness.  She  entered  Russia  for  her  marriage  as  Alex 
ander  III  lay  dying,  and  she  listened  to  the  "De  Profundis" 
in  place  of  the  wedding-march ;  the  terrible  calamity  attend 
ing  the  coronation  fete  soon  followed;  the  birth  in  succession 
of  girls,  with  the  absence  of  a  male  heir  to  the  throne  — these 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         223 

and  other  ill  omens  have  led  to  the  popular  belief  that  she 
was  under  an  unlucky  spell. 

Mrs.  Breckinridge,  the  wife  of  our  Minister,  who  has  been 
a  good  deal  in  her  society,  spoke  of  her  to  us  in  the  highest 
terms  of  admiration.  She  is  handsome,  tall  and  graceful, 
with  finely  finished  features  and  a  winning  smile ;  a  woman 
of  the  widest  accomplishments  and  intellectual  gifts;  char 
itable  and  active  in  good  works ;  but  with  all  these  traits  she 
has  failed  to  win  her  way  into  the  affections  of  the  Russians. 
The  Church  party,  led  by  the  bigoted  M.Pobiedonostseff,  say 
that  though  she  joined  the  Greek  Church  at  her  marriage, 
she  is  still  a  Protestant,  and  does  not  keep  an  "ikon"  in  her 
apartments.  She  is  called  "the  foreigner,"  and  the  fact  is 
cited  that  only  English  is  spoken  in  the  imperial  family,  in 
contrast  with  the  exclusive  use  of  Russian  in  the  family  of 
Alexander  III.  Nevertheless  it  is  quite  common  to  speak 
English  among  the  families  of  the  grand  dukes.  The  saying 
is  attributed  to  the  Grand  Duchess  Helene,  daughter  of  the 
Grand  Duke  Vladimir,  since  Princess  Nicholas  of  Greece, 
that  she  could  not  remember  ever  speaking  anything  but 
English  to  her  father. 

I  have  mentioned  the  manner  in  which  diplomatic  repre 
sentatives  are  transported  to  their  audiences  of  the  Czar 
when  he  is  residing  at  one  of  his  country  palaces.  The 
Director  of  Ceremonies,  who  accompanied  me  to  Peterhof 
to  meet  the  Emperor,  had  no  other  person  in  charge,  and 
devoted  himself  exclusively  to  my  entertainment,  going 
and  returning.  During  this  time  he  told  me  a  number  of 
stories,  some  of  which  will  bear  repeating. 

My  audience  was  on  June  7,  which  the  Director  of  Cere 
monies  said  was  the  usual  time  when  the  nobility  and  offi 
cials  took  their  vacation,  going  abroad  or  to  their  country 
estates  or  summer  homes.  But  this  year  very  few  had  gone, 
because  another  imperial  baby  was  momentarily  expected 
and  they  all  awaited  its  coming,  for  if  they  went  away  they 


224  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

would  be  called  back  to  the  fetes  in  its  honor.  If  it  was  a 
boy  there  would  be  great  feasts,  exchanges  of  dinner-parties 
among  the  nobility  and  officials,  and  other  ceremonies  of 
rejoicing. 

He  spoke  of  the  Emperor's  two  brothers,  the  oldest, 
George,  being  Czarevitch,  or  heir  apparent,  although  the 
Emperor  had  then  a  little  daughter,  Olga ;  but  she  could  not 
ascend  the  throne  so  long  as  there  were  male  heirs,  and  the 
Emperor's  brothers  came  before  his  daughters.  The  youngest 
brother  was  Michael.  George  was  suffering  from  a  lingering 
disease,  and  it  was  thought  would  not  long  survive.  Michael 
was  then  nineteen  years  old,  very  bright,  healthy,  and  popu 
lar.  It  was,  he  said,  a  current  prophecy  or  expectation 
among  the  masses  of  the  people  of  the  Empire  that  all  the 
Empress's  children  would  be  girls,  and  that  there  would 
be  an  Emperor  Michael  —  the  wish  being  father  to  the 
thought. 

The  Director  repeated  another  story  current  among  the 
people,  to  the  effect  that  Alexander  III,  once  out  walking 
with  his  three  sons,  met  an  old  woman  whom  he  engaged  in 
conversation.  He  noticed  that  she  bowed  to  the  first  and 
third  sons,  but  not  to  the  second,  and  he  asked  her  why  she 
so  acted.  She  replied  that  she  only  bowed  to  those  who  were 
to  wear  a  crown  —  a  story  probably  invented  to  confirm 
the  popular  belief  as  to  Michael. 

Some  of  the  Director's  experiences  in  discharge  of  his 
official  duties,  which  he  related,  were  quite  amusing.  When 
an  ambassador  arrives  and  is  presented  to  the  Emperor, 
the  audience  is  granted  expressly  for  the  delivery  to  the 
Emperor  of  an  autograph  letter  from  the  sovereign  or  head 
of  the  Government.  He  said  it  had  happened  more  than 
once  that  the  representative  had  forgotten  to  bring  his  let 
ter,  so  that  he  makes  it  a  rule  to  ask  the  diplomat,  when  he 
meets  him  at  the  railway  station,  if  he  has  his  letter  with  him. 
(His  rule,  however,  was  not  invariably  observed,  as  he  did 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA          225 

not  ask  me  till  after  the  train  had  started!)  Only  a  few 
months  before,  he  was  escorting  the  Minister  of  Portugal  to 
Tsarskoe-Selo,  when  lo,  and  behold!  he  found  he  had  left 
his  letter  at  his  legation,  and  the  train  was  just  starting. 
He  could  not  fail  in  his  appointment,  and  he  had  to  appear 
before  the  Emperor  to  confess  that  he  had  forgotten  his 
letter.  Carl  Schurz,  in  his  reminiscences  of  the  Spanish 
Court,  relates  how  his  letter  of  credence  became  mislaid, 
and  he  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  folding  a  newspaper, 
inserting  it  in  a  huge  envelope,  and  delivering  it  to  Queen 
Isabella  II,  having,  however,  advised  the  Minister  of  State 
of  the  innocent  fraud. 

Some  of  the  experiences  had  with  the  great  Chinese  Vice 
roy,  Li  Hung  Chang,  on  his  visit  to  the  coronation  in  1896, 
were  entertaining.  He  was  expected  to  arrive  at  Odessa 
about  May  1,  but  he  unexpectedly  turned  up  April  15,  not 
taking  the  steamer  that  had  been  provided  for  him.  No 
provision  had  been  made  for  his  entertainment  at  Moscow, 
where  the  Viceroy  insisted  on  stopping,  and  against  his 
vehement  remonstrance  he  was  brought  on  to  St.  Peters 
burg.  The  resident  Chinese  Minister,  in  his  first  notice  to  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  said  his  suite  would  consist 
of  fifteen  or  eighteen  persons ;  but  on  his  second  visit  to  the 
Foreign  Office  he  fixed  it  at  twenty  to  twenty-three.  From 
time  to  time  he  made  other  visits  to  the  Foreign  Office,  each 
time  increasing  the  number,  until  at  last,  when  it  reached 
fifty,  it  became  a  serious  matter,  as  the  Russian  Govern 
ment  was  to  lodge  and  entertain  them. 

When  Li  Hung  Chang  was  to  be  received  by  the  Emperor, 
he  brought  with  him  to  the  railway  station  his  son,  Lord 
Li,  to  act  as  his  interpreter.  He  was  informed  that  it  was 
a  rule  of  the  Court  that  the  Emperor  received  ambassadors 
alone,  and  if  an  interpreter  was  required  he  was  furnished 
from  the  Foreign  Office.  The  Viceroy  thereupon  refused  to  go 
unless  his  own  interpreter  accompanied  him.  The  Director 


226  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

said  he  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  him  on  the  train,  and 
only  on  the  promise  that  the  matter  would  be  discussed 
and  satisfactorily  settled  by  Prince  Dolgorouki,  Grand 
Master  of  Ceremonies,  whom  he  would  meet  at  the  palace. 
The  question  was  finally  settled  by  allowing  Lord  Li  to 
interpret  his  formal  speech,  and  the  informal  conversation 
was  interpreted  by  the  Russian  official.  Notwithstanding 
these  slight  misunderstandings,  Li  Hung  Chang  must  have 
been  very  considerately  dealt  with  on  this  visit,  as  he  re 
turned  to  his  own  country  ever  after  a  devoted  friend  of 
Russia.  In  fact  his  enemies  at  home  charged  him  with  being 
under  corrupt  influences. 

The  Director  had  quite  an  assortment  of  dog  stories  to 
relate  to  me.  He  was  well  informed  about  the  dog  fanciers 
in  high  life  —  Prince  Bismarck  and  his  huge  Danes,  espe 
cially  Tyras,  surnamed  the  "Reichshund";  Count  Buelow's 
poodles;  Moppi,  the  famous  poodle  of  Count  Taaffe,  the 
Austrian  Prime  Minister;  Delyannis,  the  Prime  Minister 
of  King  George  of  Greece,  who  risked  his  life  by  jumping 
overboard  to  save  his  favorite  dog  in  a  shark-infested  sea ; 
and  King  Edward  VII,  who  carried  one  or  more  of  his  ter 
riers  with  him  on  his  Continental  visits. 

I  repeat  only  his  Russian  story.  There  was  a  law  in  Swe 
den  which  forbade  the  importation  of  any  foreign  dogs  into 
that  country.  In  this  way  they  claim  never  to  have  had  a 
single  case  of  rabies.  A  few  years  before  the  date  of  my  visit 
one  of  the  Grand  Dukes  made  a  visit  to  Sweden,  and  took 
with  him  several  of  his  favorite  dogs.  When  he  reached 
Stockholm,  the  dogs  were  refused  admittance.  The  Grand 
Duke  appealed  to  the  King,  who  called  a  council  of  state, 
before  which  the  Grand  Duke  represented  that  his  dogs  had 
been  so  seasick  on  the  voyage  he  really  believed  they  would 
die  if  sent  back  without  landing.  But  the  Council  of  State 
was  obdurate,  and  the  order  was  given  to  send  the  dogs  back 
to  Russia.  The  Grand  Duke  was  in  despair.  But  the  cap- 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         227 

tain  of  the  ship  hit  upon  the  device  of  bringing  on  board  a 
quantity  of  earth,  covered  it  with  grass,  and  thus  deceived 
the  dogs  into  the  belief  that  they  were  on  land,  relieving 
sufficiently  their  sickness  to  get  them  safely  back  to  Russia. 
But  the  Grand  Duke  made  a  vow  never  to  visit  Sweden 
again. 

On  our  way  to  Peterhof  the  Director  said  I  would  find 
His  Majesty  occupying  a  small  house  or  cottage  called  "The 
Farm/'  in  the  grounds  of  the  celebrated  Palace  of  Peterhof 
built  by  Peter  the  Great ;  and  he  apologized  to  me  for  find 
ing  the  Emperor  in  such  scanty  quarters,  when  he  had  so 
many  grand  palaces  at  his  disposal.  But  he  moralized  with 
the  comment:  "Such  is  the  way  of  mankind  —  they  are 
never  satisfied  with  what  they  have." 

I  had  a  second  opportunity  of  meeting  the  Emperor  under 
very  favorable  circumstances.  Some  days  after  I  had  my 
audience  I  was  asked  by  Count  Mouravieff  to  call  at  the 
Foreign  Office,  when  he  told  me  that  the  Emperor  had  no 
ticed  that  I  had  a  military  title,  and  that  if  it  would  be  agree 
able  to  me  he  would  like  to  invite  me  to  accompany  him  at 
a  review  of  a  regiment  of  which  he  was  the  honorary  colonel. 
An  imperial  invitation  is  a  command,  and  the  Emperor  took 
this  delicate  way  of  affording  me  an  opportunity  to  escape 
the  review,  if  I  had  no  military  taste  or  curiosity  to  satisfy. 
I  expressed  to  the  Count  the  great  honor  and  pleasure  I 
would  have  in  receiving  and  accepting  such  an  invitation. 
I  was  accordingly  asked  in  an  official  note  to  attend  the 
"Church  Parade  of  the  Ismailovsky  Infantry  Regiment  of 
the  Imperial  Guard,  at  Camp  Krasnoe  Selo,"  near  Peterhof. 

On  my  arrival  at  the  railway  station  of  the  camp,  I  was 
met  by  one  of  the  Emperor's  aides-de-camp  with  a  carriage, 
and  driven  through  immense  crowds  of  people  to  the  small 
military  church  at  some  distance  from  the  station,  where 
a  tedious  religious  service  was  held  in  the  presence  of  the 
Emperor,  his  staff,  and  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  all  ex- 


228  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

cept  the  music  being  unintelligible  to  me.  After  the  service 
the  Emperor  on  foot  passed  down  the  line  of  the  regiment 
drawn  up  adjoining  the  church,  and  made  a  careful  inspec 
tion  of  each  company.  The  regiment  then  passed  by  pla 
toons  in  review  before  the  Emperor,  still  on  foot.  Seeing 
me  in  the  crowd  of  attending  officers,  he  sent  an  aide  to  bring 
me  to  him  and  placed  me  on  his  right,  slightly  in  his  rear, 
but  so  that  he  could  converse  with  me. 

After  the  review  we  were  driven  to  the  mess-hall  of  the 
regiment,  an  immense  room,  where  an  elegant  breakfast  was 
served,  presided  over  by  the  Emperor,  and  attended  by  his 
staff,  all  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  and  a  number  of  mili 
tary  guests.  I  was  the  only  foreigner  present,  as  it  was 
intended  to  be  a  purely  military  family  affair.  I  sat  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  table,  on  the  right  of  the  Emperor's 
chief  of  staff,  and  near  enough  for  easy  conversation.  His 
Majesty  was  quite  interested  in  the  events  of  our  Civil  War 
and  my  own  military  service,  and  showed  himself  familiar 
with  our  history.  After  the  breakfast  was  served,  the  com 
pany  broke  up  into  groups,  and  the  Emperor  gathered  all 
the  regimental  officers  about  him,  and  passing  from  one 
to  the  other  spoke  individually  to  all  of  them,  having  quite 
a  conversation  with  each.  I  was  much  impressed  with  the 
thoroughness  and  the  conscientious  manner  in  which  he 
discharged  his  duties  towards  his  fellow  officers. 

The  most  noted  Russian  subject  of  the  time  was  Serge 
J.  Witte  (afterwards  Count  de  Witte)  holding  the  post  of 
Minister  of  Finance,  and  the  most  powerful  man  in  the  Em 
pire.  He  came  from  the  middle  or  merchant  class  of  the 
people  and  is  another  evidence,  as  was  M.  de  Giers,  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  that  rank  and  fortune  do  not  always  con 
trol  in  the  attainment  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  Russian 
Government,  but  that  capacity  and  fitness  sometimes  enable 
their  possessor  to  push  his  way  to  the  front,  in  spite  of  the 
nobility  and  bureaucracy. 


SERGE  J.   DE  WITTE 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA          229 

At  the  time  of  my  visit,  Witte  had  already  made  for 
himself  a  great  reputation  as  a  financier  and  administrative 
officer.  In  these  departments  his  first  great  work  was  to 
establish  the  protective  tariff  system  and  build  up  the  in 
dustrial  establishments  of  the  Empire.  His  next  accom 
plishment  was  to  give  stability  to  the  currency  and  introduce 
the  gold  standard.  He  labored  successfully  to  promote  the 
state  ownership  of  railroads  and  create  great  state  monopo 
lies.  The  chief  of  these  was  the  monopoly  of  the  sale  of  al 
cohol  and  intoxicants,  under  a  system  of  dispensaries  similar 
to  the  experiment  in  one  or  more  of  the  States  of  our  Union. 
All  of  these  measures  have  added  greatly  to  the  power  of 
the  Government  and  much  to  its  commercial  prosperity; 
but  they  had  even  at  the  time  of  my  visit  created  for  him 
much  opposition  and  many  enemies,  and  these  were  able 
eventually  to  drive  him  from  his  post  as  Minister  of  Finance. 

I  was  naturally  anxious  to  meet  this  famous  man  and 
have  some  opportunity  of  measuring  his  capacity,  and  very 
fortunately  this  opportunity  came  about  as  a  natural  out 
come  of  the  business  which  brought  me  to  St.  Petersburg. 
One  of  the  questions  connected  with  it  had  to  do  with  the 
Finance  Department,  and  Count  Mouravieff  suggested  that 
I  call  and  discuss  it  with  M.  de  Witte,  and  said  that  he  would 
arrange  for  the  interview.  When  I  mentioned  the  intended 
interview  to  our  Minister  he  at  once  commiserated  with  me, 
as  he  said  Witte  was  very  rough  and  severe  in  his  intercourse, 
and  did  not  hesitate  to  be  rude  even  to  the  members  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  who  had  occasion  to  call  on  him ;  and  such 
was  his  general  reputation. 

My  experience,  however,  was  not  at  all  a  disagreeable 
one.  I  found  him  a  little  brusque  in  manner  and  voice,  but 
he  was  very  attentive  to  what  I  had  to  say  on  the  question 
which  brought  me  to  him.  This  he  decided  promptly  and 
favorably,  and  I  rose  to  take  my  leave.  But  he  begged  me 
to  be  seated  as,  he  said,  he  wanted  to  talk  with  me  about 


230  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

some  American  matters.  He  then  said  he  would  like  for  me 
to  explain  to  him  the  silver  question,  which  had  been  the 
issue  in  the  first  McKinley-Bryan  campaign  which  had  closed 
only  a  few  months  before.  I  professed  my  incompetency 
for  such  a  task,  but  we  had  a  prolonged  conversation  on  the 
subject,  in  which  he  manifested  much  interest. 

He  then  introduced  the  subject  of  the  production  and 
sale  of  wheat,  of  which  he  said  the  United  States  and  Rus 
sia  were  the  greatest  producers  and  exporters ;  and  he  asked 
if  there  was  not  some  way  in  which  the  two  Governments 
might  cooperate  to  maintain  a  fair  price  in  foreign  markets. 
In  answer  to  my  inquiry  as  to  how  this  could  be  done,  he 
proposed  that  the  two  Governments  should  combine  to  regu 
late  the  exportation  of  the  grain  and  in  this  way  maintain 
a  remunerative  price  abroad.  I  expressed  to  him  a  fear  that 
our  Government  would  not  feel  warranted  in  adopting  such 
a  measure,  and  that  a  difficulty  might  be  encountered  in  our 
constitutional  provision  as  to  exports.  It  appears  that  he 
did  afterwards  put  such  a  proposition  into  shape,  to  be  acted 
upon  by  the  leading  wheat-growing  countries,  which  were 
to  join  in  maintaining  prices  and  thus  protect  the  farmers 
from  the  fluctuations  caused  by  speculation  and  by  the 
irregularity  of  supply  and  demand.  The  chimerical  plan 
did  not  exalt  him  in  my  esteem  as  a  statesman,  but  his  con 
ception  of  it  is  to  be  explained  by  his  life  in  a  country  where 
trade,  as  well  as  politics,  is  controlled  by  an  autocratic 
power. 

An  amusing  incident  occurred  during  our  interview.  In 
the  midst  of  our  conversation  the  telephone-bell  on  his  desk 
sounded,  and  he  asked  me  to  excuse  him  to  answer  the  call. 
A  brief  conversation  in  Russian  took  place  through  the  in 
strument,  and  he  hung  up  the  receiver  with  an  impetuous 
jerk,  and  the  remark  to  me,  "It's  a  girl,"  and  resumed  the 
silver  discussion,  as  if  nothing  had  occurred  of  moment.  In 
a  few  minutes  the  cannon  from  all  the  fortresses  of  the 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         231 

Capital  were  booming  the  news  of  another  addition  to  the 
imperial  family. 

Since  my  visit  Count  de  Witte  has  been  a  still  more  con 
spicuous  figure  in  Russian  and  world  politics.  After  being 
driven  from  the  Cabinet  by  his  enemies,  he  was  in  retirement 
till  the  Japanese  victories  made  it  necessary  for  Russia  to 
sue  for  peace,  when  his  sovereign  called  upon  him  as  the 
most  suitable  person  to  extricate  the  country  from  the  dis 
asters  into  which  it  had  fallen.  He  had  had  no  diplomatic 
experience,  but  he  was  the  most  forceful  subject  of  the  Em 
pire  and  was  well  fitted  to  drive  a  hard  bargain.  He  gained 
much  credit  for  his  part  in  the  peace  negotiations,  but  more 
than  he  really  deserved,  as  Japan  held  every  advantage 
which  she  had  gained  in  the  war;  and  his  boastful  manner 
detracted  even  from  the  merit  to  which  he  was  entitled. 

When  the  disorders  broke  out  following  the  Japanese  war, 
the  Emperor  called  him  to  the  head  of  the  Government,  but 
his  stay  in  power  was  brief.  His  great  success  as  a  financier 
did  not  attend  him  in  his  efforts  to  reconcile  the  Emperor 
and  his  discontented  subjects.  He  is  understood  to  be  a  man 
of  large  wealth,  and  if  his  country  does  not  again  demand 
his  services  he  can  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  ease 
and  comfort. 

A  feature  of  his  domestic  life  illustrates  the  strong  preju 
dice  which  still  exists  in  Russian  official  society  against  the 
Jews.  After  he  had  attained  a  high  position  in  the  govern 
ment  service  he  became  enamoured  of  a  beautiful  and  ac 
complished  Jewess.  A  divorce  was  readily  obtained  from 
the  insignificant  official  who  was  her  husband,  and  she  mar 
ried  M.  de  Witte.  But  during  the  days  of  his  greatest  suc 
cess  as  Minister  of  Finance,  and  even  when  he  was  called  to 
negotiate  the  peace  with  Japan,  his  wife  was  never  presented 
at  Court  and  she  was  boycotted  by  all  the  ladies  of  the 
nobility.  However,  when  the  country  seemed  on  the  verge 
of  revolution  and  Witte  was  regarded  as  the  only  man  who 


232  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

could  confront  the  situation,  before  he  accepted  the  invita 
tion  of  the  Emperor  to  take  charge  of  the  Government,  it  is 
understood  he  made  it  a  condition  that  his  ostracized  wife 
should  be  received  at  Court,  and  in  due  time  Countess  de 
Witte  was  presented  to  the  Emperor  and  Empress.  The 
country's  need  was  her  opportunity,  and  the  triumph  of  the 
Jewess  came  at  last.  Her  people  might  adopt  toward  her, 
with  a  slight  alteration,  the  language  of  Mordecai:  "Thou 
art  come  to  the  kingdom  at  such  a  time  as  this." 

The  business  of  my  mission  brought  me  into  personal 
contact  with  another  official  who  has  since  attained  an  in 
ternational  reputation.  After  I  had  settled  with  Count 
MouraviefT  the  general  question  involved,  he  asked  me  to 
take  up  the  formal  details  of  the  arrangement  with  M.  Fred 
erick  de  Maartens,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Foreign 
Office.  He  had  long  been  an  official  of  that  department  and 
was  also  Professor  of  International  Law  in  the  University 
of  St.  Petersburg.  I  held  a  number  of  conferences  with  him 
and  our  relations  were  of  a  very  pleasant  character.  I  re 
garded  him  more  as  a  scholar  than  a  statesman ;  not  endowed 
with  great  talents,  but  a  man  thoroughly  informed  in  mat 
ters  of  international  law  and  diplomacy,  and  a  useful  public 
servant. 

Since  the  time  I  first  met  him,  M.  de  Maartens  has  acted 
as  president  of  the  arbitration  tribunal  which  adjusted  the 
Venezuelan  boundary  controversy  and  as  a  member  of  the 
first  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague.  He  was  sent  to  Ports 
mouth  as  an  adviser  of  the  Russian  plenipotentiaries  in  the 
peace  negotiations  with  Japan,  but,  owing  to  Witte's  master 
ful  spirit  and  self-confidence,  he  was  afforded  little  oppor 
tunity  in  shaping  the  results.  He  was  also  the  prominent 
Russian  delegate  to  the  second  Peace  Conference  at  The 
Hague,  where  I  was  again  associated  with  him. 

Among  the  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  there  were 
a  number  whom  I  had  met  at  other  capitals  in  former  years, 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         233 

and  it  was  very  pleasant  to  be  able  to  renew  our  acquaint 
ance.  Among  these  was  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir  Nicho 
las  O'Connor,  of  whom  I  saw  a  good  deal  on  my  first  visit 
to  Peking  while  he  was  the  British  Minister  at  that  Court. 
He  and  Lady  O'Connor  did  much  to  make  our  stay  in  St. 
Petersburg  a  pleasant  one.  Another  ambassador  who  was 
especially  kind  to  us  was  Prince  Radolin,  the  German  repre 
sentative,  and  his  charming  wife.  The  Prince  has  since  filled 
the  post  of  Ambassador  at  Paris  with  much  distinction. 

The  American  Minister  to  St.  Petersburg,  Clifton  R. 
Breckinridge,  received  me  with  the  greatest  cordiality,  and 
omitted  no  effort  to  make  my  special  mission  a  success. 
Under  ordinary  circumstances  the  resident  diplomatic  repre 
sentative  does  not  look  with  favor  upon  special  missions 
to  the  Court  to  which  he  is  accredited,  and  there  are  a  num 
ber  of  instances  in  the  history  of  our  country  where  such 
missions  have  created  jealousy  and  ill  feeling.  In  the  present 
case  there  could  be  no  reflection  upon  either  Mr.  Hay  at 
London  or  Mr.  Breckinridge  at  St.  Petersburg  in  my  ap 
pointment,  as  they  both  possessed  the  confidence  of  our 
Government,  and  the  fur-seal  question  was  one  which  con 
cerned  four  governments  and  had  been  in  my  charge  for 
some  time  as  agent  of  the  United  States.  My  presence  in 
these  two  capitals  was  merely  in  execution  of  the  general 
trust  committed  to  me. 

In  all  my  conferences  with  the  Russian  officials  I  invited 
Mr.  Breckinridge  to  accompany  me,  and  he  rendered  at  all 
times  cheerful  and  useful  assistance.  Besides,  during  our 
brief  stay  of  two  weeks,  he  and  Mrs.  Breckinridge  were  un 
tiring  in  their  social  attention,  and  largely  through  their  fa 
vor  we  were  the  recipients  of  marked  courtesies  by  members 
of  the  Court  and  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Mr.  Breckinridge 
suffered  some  eclipse  in  his  political  career  on  his  return  to 
his  home  in  Arkansas,  because  of  his  manly  and  independent 
course  on  the  financial  question  during  the  Cleveland  Ad- 


234  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS] 

ministration.  A  State  can  ill  afford  for  such  reasons  to  be 
deprived  of  the  services  of  a  person  of  such  high  character, 
experience,  and  ability. 

On  my  return  to  London  I  found  both  the  Foreign  and 
Colonial  offices  still  absorbed  with  the  concluding  ceremo 
nies  of  the  Queen's  Jubilee,  and  I  was  detained  there  a  full 
month  before  my  business  was  concluded.  As  the  question 
in  hand  primarily  concerned  Canada,  my  conferences  were 
mainly  with  the  Colonial  Secretary  of  the  Cabinet,  Joseph 
Chamberlain,  and  I  had  a  good  opportunity  to  study  this 
unique  character  in  British  politics.  I  had  seen  a  good  deal 
of  him  socially  when  he  was  in  Washington  in  1888,  engaged 
in  the  fisheries  negotiations,  but  now  I  was  brought  face  to 
face  with  him  on  a  vexed  question  in  our  international 
politics. 

Two  years  later  he  forced  his  country  into  the  conflict 
with  the  Dutch  in  South  Africa,  out  of  which  it  emerged 
with  a  great  loss  of  its  military  prestige,  but  with  credit 
for  the  imperial  policy  in  the  colonies  for  which  he  stood  as 
chief  advocate.  When  I  was  again  in  London,  in  connection 
with  the  Alaskan  boundary  in  1903,  he  was  once  more  the 
conspicuous  figure  in  British  politics,  as  the  champion  of  a 
new  tariff  policy  for  the  Kingdom.  How  far  he  would  have 
succeeded  in  revising  the  established  fiscal  order  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  had  he  not  been  stricken  with  disease,  can  only  be 
conjectured.  Great  Britain  has  not  produced  in  the  past 
twenty-five  years  a  more  bold,  independent,  and  forceful 
statesman,  nor  one  so  little  controlled  by  party  trammels 
or  hereditary  ideas.  It  is  related  that  when  Chamberlain 
deserted  the  Liberal  Party,  Mr,  Gladstone  said, "  Chamberlain 
is  the  first  politician  we  have  had  of  the  American  type,  and 
he  is  destined  to  give  a  great  deal  of  trouble."  Whether  or 
not  his  characterization  of  Chamberlain  was  correct,  his 
prophecy  has  been  abundantly  fulfilled. 

During  this  visit  to  London  I  first  met  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier, 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         235 

the  Canadian  Prime  Minister.  He  was  there  with  the  other 
colonial  leaders  in  attendance  on  the  Queen's  Jubilee,  and  the 
colonial  conferences  with  Mr.  Chamberlain  respecting  plans 
for  an  imperial  confederation.  His  attractive  physical  ap 
pearance,  his  gracious  manner,  and  his  persuasive  eloquence 
had  made  him  easily  the  most  distinguished  and  popular 
of  all  the  colonial  representatives  at  the  Jubilee.  I  was 
destined  to  see  much  more  of  him  in  later  years. 

My  stay  was  not  altogether  devoted  to  business,  as  I  have 
intimated  that  the  Jubilee  ceremonies  obstructed  it,  but  my 
compensation  was  in  seeing  more  of  English  society  and 
ways  than  I  would  have  enjoyed  but  for  this  delay.  We  were 
honored  with  further  invitations  to  Buckingham  Palace 
and  had  new  occasions  for  seeing  court  life.  I  also  was  able 
to  note  their  effect  on  our  public  men.  A  gentleman  from 
one  of  our  Western  States,  who  had  been  honored  with  some 
of  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  our  people,  received  an 
invitation  for  himself  and  daughter  to  one  of  the  court  func 
tions  at  Buckingham  Palace,  and  he  felt  highly  flattered 
by  this  royal  attention.  But  when  he  learned  that  he  must 
appear  in  knee-breeches  and  silver-buckled  low  shoes,  he 
rebelled  and  peremptorily  refused  to  go.  His  daughter,  who 
was  wild  at  the  thought  of  going  to  Court,  beseeched  and 
pleaded  in  vain.  I  finally  used  my  persuasive  powers  and 
reasoned  against  his  folly,  as  we  termed  it.  At  last,  to  gratify 
his  daughter,  he  consented  to  the  ordeal,  upon  our  promise 
not  to  breathe  a  word  of  it  on  our  return  home.  "It  will 
forever  blast  my  political  prospects,  if  the  people  hear  it," 
said  he. 

Although  our  country  was  so  worthily  represented  by 
Ambassador  John  Hay,  President  McKinley,  as  a  mark  of 
high  consideration  to  Queen  Victoria,  appointed  a  special 
ambassador  to  the  Jubilee  in  the  person  of  one  of  our  dis 
tinguished  citizens,  Whitelaw  Reid,  who  discharged  his  mis 
sion  with  all  the  success  which  attends  refined  manners  and 


236  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

wealth.  He  was  honored  by  the  presence  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  at  his  table,  and  we  then  had  another  occasion  to  meet 
the  reigning  British  sovereign.  Mr.  Reid  later  filled  the  post 
of  Ambassador  at  London  with  much  acceptance. 

We  were  favored  with  " week-end"  visits  to  some  of  the 
noted  country-seats  which  occupy  so  large  a  space  in  Eng 
lish  social  life.  I  had  been  associated  in  the  Bering  Sea  Ar 
bitration  at  Paris  with  Sir  Richard  Webster,  Queen's  coun 
sel  before  that  tribunal,  and  the  most  successful  lawyer  of 
his  day  in  London  (afterwards  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  Eng 
land,  Baron  Alvenstone).  He  did  not  possess  one  of  the 
ancient  estates,  but  had  built  for  himself  a  modern  country- 
house,  of  which  he  was  very  proud,  picturesquely  situated 
in  the  hill  country  of  Surrey,  with  wide-extended  and  beau 
tiful  views  off  towards  the  distant  sea ;  and  he  insisted  that 
Mrs.  Foster  and  I  should  come  down  and  pass  a  Sunday  with 
him.  He  met  us  at  the  railway  station,  and  himself  drove 
us  across  country  behind  his  spanking  bays.  Other  visitors 
were  at  his  place  and  we  made  up  a  pleasant  house-party. 
The  garden,  the  dairy,  and  the  stables  were  his  pride,  and 
well  they  might  be.  Sir  Richard  was  a  devout  Churchman, 
and  we  all  assembled  in  the  large  hall,  guests  and  servants, 
for  evening  prayers,  he  officiating  at  the  organ  and  leading 
in  the  singing  and  prayers.  Another  of  our  "  week-end " 
visits  was  to  Knebworth  House,  the  country-seat  of  the 
family  once  famous  in  English  politics  and  literature,  the 
Bulwer-Lyttons.  Its  history  goes  back  beyond  the  days  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  we  heard  many  tales  and  legends 
about  its  rooms  and  halls.  It  has  shared  the  fate  of  many 
an  old  home  of  the  nobility,  these  entailed  estates  that  can 
not  go  out  of  the  family  but  may  be  incumbered,  as  was 
this,  by  profligacy  and  gambling.  The  present  heir  is  too 
poor  to  live  upon  it,  with  its  nine  thousand  acres  and  the 
great  mansion,  and  for  the  time  it  was  leased  to  our  host, 
one  of  our  American  captains  of  industry,  Mr.  Henry  Phipps. 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  RUSSIA         237 

One  of  my  social  experiences  was  of  such  exceptional  char 
acter  as  to  bear  reciting.  I  received  an  invitation  to  the 
Jubilee  dinner  of  "The  Worshipful  Company  of  Fishmon 
gers,"  one  of  the  famous  guilds  of  London  which  have  come 
down  from  ancient  times.  Supposing  I  was  indebted  to  the 
American  Embassy  for  my  invitation  I  resorted  thither  for 
information  and  instructions.  The  Embassy  knew  nothing 
of  the  invitation,  but  I  was  advised  to  attend  it  as  a  unique 
affair.  When  I  entered  the  palatial  hall  I  expected  to  meet 
some  friend,  but  there  was  no  one  to  receive  me  but  the  serv 
ants  in  brilliant  uniform,  who  were  quite  attentive.  I  wan 
dered  through  the  spacious  halls  before  the  dinner  was 
announced,  but  recognized  no  one.  I  was  assigned  a  seat  of 
honor  at  the  table,  but  had  to  introduce  myself  to  my  ad 
joining  companions.  The  table-plan  with  the  names  showed 
a  large  company  of  distinguished  people,  the  nobility,  mil 
itary,  bankers,  and  merchants,  but  no  one  I  ever  saw  before. 
The  exercises  at  the  dinner  were  unlike  anything  I  had  wit 
nessed,  quite  formal,  but  interspersed  with  toasts  (no 
speeches)  and  beautiful  music,  altogether  enjoyable.  It 
closed  with  a  quartette  song,  "The  Fisherman's  Good 
night."  To  this  day  I  am  in  ignorance  of  the  person  to 
whom  I  was  indebted  for  the  unique  entertainment. 

Our  Sundays  were  not  always  spent  in  the  country,  pleas 
ant  and  restful  as  they  were,  as  on  this  and  other  visits  we 
sought  out  the  great  preachers  of  London,  and  we  found 
them,  as  in  other  large  cities,  very  few.  We  were  struck  with 
the  fact  that  the  most  eloquent  and  popular  preachers  were 
not  in  the  Established  Church,  but  among  the  Dissenting 
bodies.  Joseph  Parker,  of  the  Congregational,  and  Charles 
H.  Spurgeon,  of  the  Baptist  Church,  were  the  great  preachers 
of  London  in  my  earlier  visits.  Another  notable  fact  was 
that  they  were  preachers  of  the  "old  gospel";  they  talked 
of  sin  and  the  judgment  to  come,  of  the  need  of  repent 
ance  and  conversion;  it  was  such  preaching  that  crowded 


238  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

their  great  audience-rooms  and  built  up  their  congrega 
tions. 

Not  the  least  instructive  of  our  leisure  excursions  was  a 
visit  to  the  Henley  Eoyal  Regatta,  as  members  of  a  house 
boat  party.  This  regatta  was  sought  to  be  made  especially 
attractive  as  one  of  the  festivities  of  the  Diamond  Jubilee. 
Such  a  scene  is  nowhere  else  to  be  found,  with  its  multitude 
of  boats  of  all  descriptions,  the  bustling  and  jostling,  the 
brilliant  and  beautiful  costumes  of  the  ladies,  the  excite 
ment  of  the  race.  It  is  outdoor  English  life  and  sport  in  its 
gayest  style. 

So  also  is  there  nothing  more  interesting  and  enjoyable 
than  the  two  days'  trip  we  took  down  the  Thames  from 
Oxford  to  London  on  an  electric  launch,  under  the  guidance 
of  a  host  who  knew  every  foot  of  the  way,  its  history,  lit 
erature,  and  legends.  What  a  marvel  of  beauty  and  enjoy 
ment  the  English  have  made  of  a  comparatively  insignificant 
and  sluggish  stream,  by  their  system  of  locks,  careful  policing, 
landscape  gardening,  and  tasteful  architecture. 

Our  journey  home  was  made  by  the  same  ship  on  which 
we  came  and  in  the  company  of  our  Chinese  companions. 
The  Ambassador  and  his  suite  had  meanwhile  attended 
the  Queen's  Jubilee,  visited  Paris,  Berlin,  and  St.  Peters 
burg,  the  Ambassador  and  his  Secretary  having  received 
royal  decorations  at  the  respective  Courts,  and  were  quite 
satisfied  with  their  mission.  On  reaching  New  York,  the 
Ambassador  and  his  Secretary  accompanied  me  to  our  sum 
mer  home  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  spent  a  few  days  enjoying 
the  black-bass  fishing  and  our  free  outdoor  life. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN 

As  already  related,  I  had  of  my  own  choice  retired  from  the 
Diplomatic  Service  in  the  autumn  of  1881,  in  order  to  resume 
the  practice  of  law.  I  fixed  my  residence  in  Washington, 
and  had  established  a  profitable  practice  which  promised 
to  be  still  more  lucrative  in  the  future.  I  was  quite  content 
with  my  lot,  and  looked  forward  to  spending  the  remainder 
of  my  days  in  the  quiet  pursuit  of  my  profession,  when  on 
February  20, 1883, 1  received  a  note  from  President  Arthur's 
private  secretary,  stating  that  the  President  would  be  glad 
to  have  me  call  at  the  Executive  Mansion  the  day  following 
to  see  him. 

On  my  calling  the  next  day,  the  President,  referring  in 
complimentary  terms  to  my  past  diplomatic  service,  said 
that  he  had  determined  to  appoint  me  Minister  to  Spam,  if 
I  would  accept,  and  he  hoped  very  much  I  would  do  so.  He 
knew,  he  remarked,  that  I  had  voluntarily  retired  from  the 
Service,  but  there  was  an  important  work  to  do  in  that 
country  which  he  felt  sure  I  could  accomplish  better  than 
any  one  else,  and  he  hoped  I  would  make  the  sacrifice  re 
quired  in  again  entering  the  public  service. 

He  proceeded  to  explain  that  he  greatly  desired  to  orig 
inate  a  policy  of  commercial  reciprocity  with  the  Spanish- 
American  countries  especially ;  that  General  Grant  and  Seiior 
Romero,  the  Mexican  Minister,  had  just  concluded  such  a 
treaty  for  Mexico ;  that  he  regarded  it  of  great  importance 
that  a  similar  treaty  should  be  negotiated  with  Spain  for 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico;  that  to  accomplish  this  object  he  was 
anxious  to  send  me  to  Madrid ;  and  that,  if  I  chose,  I  might 
regard  it  as  in  the  nature  of  a  special  mission,  and  when  ac- 


240  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

complished  I  could  be  free  to  return  home.  He  added  that 
there  were  other  matters  of  importance  which  he  desired  to 
intrust  to  me,  such  as  the  claims  of  American  citizens  grow 
ing  out  of  the  late  insurrection  in  Cuba  and  the  unsatisfactory 
commercial  relation  with  that  island,  but  that  the  reciproc 
ity  treaty  was  the  chief  measure  which  led  him  to  ask  me 
to  accept  the  mission. 

I  stated  to  the  President  that  I  highly  appreciated  the 
honor  which  he  proposed  to  bestow  upon  me,  but  that  it 
came  as  a  surprise,  and  that  I  must  beg  the  privilege  of  a  few 
days'  delay  in  giving  him  an  answer,  to  enable  me  to  con 
sult  my  wife  and  see  what  arrangements  I  might  make  with 
my  clients.  I  confess  that  the  President's  request  was  an 
appeal  too  flattering  to  my  pride  and  my  patriotism  to  be 
resisted;  my  wife  readily  consented,  and  I  was  able  so  to 
arrange  my  business  affairs  as  to  give  the  President  an  af 
firmative  answer  within  a  few  days.  My  nomination  was  at 
once  sent  to  the  Senate  and  promptly  confirmed,  and  I  set 
about  preparations  for  our  journey  to  Madrid,  when  an 
unexpected  event  delayed  my  departure  for  my  post. 

General  Porfirio  Diaz,  having  successfully  completed  his 
first  term  as  President  of  Mexico,  turned  over  the  Govern 
ment  to  his  successor,  restored  peace  throughout  the  coun 
try,  and  established  a  high  reputation  as  a  statesman,  de 
termined  to  embrace  the  opportunity  of  his  release  from 
public  duties  to  make  a  visit  to  the  United  States.  General 
Grant's  visit  to  Mexico  three  years  before,  when  he  was  made 
the  guest  of  the  nation,  was  fresh  in  the  public  mind,  and  it 
was  felt  that  similar  honors  should  be  extended  by  our  Gov 
ernment  and  people  to  the  ex-President  of  Mexico.  In  view 
of  my  acquaintance  and  past  relations  with  him,  Secretary 
Frelinghuysen  asked  me  to  act  as  the  President's  special 
representative,  to  meet  General  Diaz  at  the  frontier,  invite 
him  to  become  the  guest  of  the  nation,  and  escort  him  to 
Washington. 


MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  241 

As  he  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  her  parents,  who 
had  been  among  our  most  intimate  friends  during  our  re 
sidence  in  Mexico,  Mrs.  Foster  joined  me  on  the  journey  to 
meet  our  distinguished  guests.  Several  days  were  spent  at 
St.  Louis,  Chicago,  Niagara  Falls,  Buffalo,  New  York,  and 
other  points,  en  route  to  Washington,  and  the  ex-President 
and  his  party  were  the  recipients  of  the  most  generous  hos 
pitality  and  attention  from  the  state  and  municipal  author 
ities,  as  well  as  by  the  Federal  Government  during  his  stay 
in  the  Capital.  The  visit  had  the  salutary  effect  of  removing 
the  last  vestige  of  bitterness,  if  any  remained,  growing  out 
of  the  tardy  recognition  by  the  United  States  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  Government,  and  created  a  new  bond  of  good  will 
between  the  two  Republics. 

This  service  delayed  me  several  weeks  in  reaching  Madrid, 
but  on  June  16,  1883,  I  was  received  by  the  King  and  pre 
sented  my  credentials  as  Minister.  The  details  of  that  cere 
mony  were  so  different  from  those  at  St.  Petersburg  that 
it  may  be  of  interest  to  repeat  them  as  given  by  me  in  a  let 
ter  to  my  wife,  then  in  Paris,  as  follows :  — 

At  the  designated  hour  the  Introducer  of  Ambassadors 
arrived  at  my  hotel  with  two  of  the  King's  state  carriages, 
accompanied  by  two  officers  of  the  King's  household  and 
an  escort  of  cavalry.  After  a  few  minutes'  conversation  we 
"took  up  our  line  of  march"  to  the  palace.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Legation  and  the  two  officers  went  in  the  first  carriage 
and  I  followed  with  the  Introducer  of  Ambassadors  in  the 
second.  On  the  rear  of  each  carriage  stood  two  lackeys  in 
bright  dress  and  powdered  wigs  and  with  great  gilded  staffs 
in  their  hands ;  a  section  of  the  mounted  escort  preceding, 
and  another,  following  the  carriage,  rode  in  brilliant  cavalry 
uniform.  We  entered  the  palace  by  the  grand  stairway,  the 
most  attractive  feature  of  this  beautiful  edifice,  a  double 
line  of  royal  guards  standing  on  each  of  the  steps,  with  one 


242  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

stationed  at  each  landing  and  doorway,  holding  a  huge 
medieval  mace,  which  he  brought  down  with  a  whack  which 
echoed  through  the  vaulted  roof  as  we  passed. 

After  a  few  minutes'  waiting  I  was  ushered  into  the  pre 
sence  of  His  Majesty,  Don  Alfonso  XII,  who  was  standing 
in  the  rear  of  the  salon,  at  a  table,  behind  and  around  which 
were  the  Minister  of  State  (Foreign  Affairs)  and  quite  an 
array  of  the  King's  staff,  grandees  and  lesser  nobles,  all  in 
uniform.  I  had  been  instructed  as  to  my  movements  in  His 
Majesty's  presence,  first  by  my  secretary  and  afterwards  by 
the  Introducer  of  Ambassadors,  and  I  went  through  them 
as  best  I  could.  When  the  doors  were  thrown  open,  I  was 
announced  in  a  loud  voice  by  the  Introducer,  whereupon  as 
I  entered  I  made  a  profound  bow ;  then  advanced  halfway 
to  His  Majesty,  stopped  and  bowed  again;  and  when  I  came 
near  I  made  my  final  halt  and  third  bow.  (What  a  pity  I 
did  not  take  some  lessons  at  St.  Petersburg  from  the  Rus 
sians,  who  do  it  so  well.) 

When  my  last  bow  was  made,  I  began  my  little  speech,  a 
copy  of  which  had  been  sent  a  week  before  to  the  Minister 
of  State.  Unfortunately  I  had  left  my  glasses  at  the  hotel, 
as,  being  in  uniform,  I  could  not  well  carry  them,  but  I  had 
my  address  pretty  well  at  my  tongue's  end  and  got  along 
without  much  use  of  the  manuscript.  I  did  really  better  than 
Don  Alfonso,  who  mumbled  his  reply  over  rather  poorly, 
confining  himself  closely  to  his  paper. 

After  the  addresses  were  over  and  my  credentials  delivered, 
the  King  shook  hands  with  me  very  heartily,  and  we  had  a 
pleasant  conversation.  He  began  in  Spanish,  but  after  a  lit 
tle  while  I  told  him  he  spoke  such  good  English  he  ought  to 
use  that  language  with  me,  referring  to  my  audience  of  the 
Czar,  who  said  he  was  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  practice 
English.  The  King  replied  that  he  spoke  English  with  diffi 
culty,  and  did  not  like  to  do  so  for  fear  of  "talking  nonsense," 
meaning,  I  suppose,  making  mistakes,  and  he  soon  got  back 


-  I 


* 


MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  243 

into  Spanish.  Then  we  said  good-bye,  and  bowed  each  other 
out  of  the  hall  at  opposite  doors,  his  ministers  and  suite  fol 
lowing  him ;  and  I  returned  to  my  hotel  in  the  same  style  in 
which  I  came. 

I  must  say  I  like  the  practice  of  the  Russian  Court  better, 
where  I  went  to  the  palace  in  my  own  carriage,  was  received 
by  the  Grand  Master  of  Ceremonies  and  ushered  into  the 
presence  of  the  Czar,  both  of  us  unattended ;  no  set  speeches, 
but  after  I  had  handed  him  my  credentials,  we  had  a  pleas 
ant  talk  like  two  sensible  men.  Such  a  method  is  more  likely 
to  promote  good  relations  than  the  ceremonious  perform 
ance  just  described. 

Some  preparation  had  been  made  in  Spain  before  my 
arrival  for  the  commercial  reciprocity  negotiations.  The  fact 
of  the  completion  of  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Mexico  had 
been  published,  and  was  the  occasion  of  discussion  in  the 
Spanish  Cortes  or  National  Congress.  The  Cuban  members 
asked  for  the  publication  of  the  text  of  the  Mexican  treaty 
in  the  Records  of  the  Cortes,  which  was  done,  and  they 
strongly  urged  upon  the  Government  that,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  Cuban  interests,  a  similar  treaty  be  negotiated  with 
the  United  States  for  that  island.  The  provision  of  the  treaty 
for  the  free  admission  of  sugar  from  Mexico  to  the  United 
States  was  the  one  which  most  awakened  the  interest  of  the 
Cubans,  as  sugar  was  the  chief  interest  of  their  island,  and 
they  feared  the  effects  of  the  Mexican  treaty  upon  their  great 
industry.  A  Colonial  Congress  held  in  Madrid  soon  after 
my  arrival  also  passed  a  resolution  strongly  favoring  such 
a  treaty  as  necessary  to  restore  the  waning  industries  of 
Cuba. 

Notwithstanding  those  favorable  indications,  I  was  des 
tined  to  delays  and  disappointment,  and  to  learn  over 
again  the  lesson  of  my  Mexican  experience  that  the  Spanish 
temperament  does  not  admit  of  celerity  in  the  dispatch  of 


244  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

public  business.  On  my  arrival  I  found  the  attention  of  the 
Government  absorbed  in  the  Carlist  movement,  designed 
to  place  the  pretender  Don  Carlos  on  the  throne,  and  also 
disturbed  by  other  revolutionary  uprisings,  mainly  in  the 
army.  Added  to  these  were  the  rapid  changes  of  ministries, 
which  made  any  consecutive  and  satisfying  negotiations 
impossible.  During  the  first  seven  months  of  my  mission  I 
had  to  do  with  three  separate  cabinets,  representing  differ 
ent  parties  and  policies.  Spanish  parties  and  politics  present 
a  complicated  subject,  very  difficult  for  the  comprehension 
of  the  foreigner.  Later  on  I  shall  endeavor  to  explain  them, 
but  for  the  present  I  content  myself  with  giving  the  main 
reason  for  the  sudden  changes  of  the  ministries  to  which  I 
have  referred. 

In  the  midst  of  the  unrest  and  discontent  prevailing  in 
the  country,  the  Ministry  of  Sefior  Sagasta  conceived  that 
it  would  be  good  policy  for  the  young  King  Alfonso  XII  to 
make  a  foreign  tour,  and  a  visit  was  planned  to  the  Court 
of  Vienna,  —  to  which  he  was  allied  by  his  marriage  to  a 
member  of  the  imperial  family,  —  to  the  Emperor  of  Ger 
many,  and  to  the  President  of  France,  the  Ministry  hoping 
that  the  attentions  which  their  king  would  receive  from 
these  powerful  nations  would  give  him  greater  prestige  in 
his  own  country  and  possibly  strengthen  the  Ministry.  But 
unfortunately  the  foreign  visit  had  results  not  altogether 
anticipated  by  those  who  planned  it.  The  receptions  which 
the  King  received  in  Vienna  and  Berlin  were  of  the  most 
distinguished  character.  Especially  in  the  Capital  of  Ger 
many  were  the  attentions  bestowed  upon  him  very  marked. 
Among  other  favors  he  was  made  honorary  colonel  of  a 
German  regiment  by  the  Emperor;  an  honor,  however, 
conferred  upon  a  number  of  other  reigning  European  sover 
eigns. 

These  courtesies  showered  upon  the  King  in  Berlin  awak 
ened  in  the  sensitive  French  populace  a  feeling  of  deep  re- 


MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  245 

sentment,  cultivated  by  a  certain  part  of  the  Parisian  press 
which  charged  these  manifestations  as  the  evidence  of  a  coali 
tion  of  the  three  monarchs  against  the  French  Republic ,  and 
that  the  German  title  conferred  was  an  insult  to  the  French 
nation.  On  his  return  to  Spain,  passing  through  Paris,  the 
King  was  met  by  the  President  of  the  Council  and  the  Min 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs;  but  not  comprehending  the  state 
of  public  excitement,  they  had  taken  no  precautions  to  sup 
press  disorder,  and  the  King  encountered  an  infuriated  mob, 
which  greeted  him  with  hooting  and  jeers,  and  even  with 
stones  thrown  at  his  carriage.  In  giving  me  an  account  of 
his  experience,  in  a  private  conversation  soon  after  the  event, 
he  said,  in  a  good-humored  way,  that  it  was  pretty  hard  to 
sit  still  and  be  hissed  at,  and  to  have  fists  shaken  in  one's 
face  and  stones  thrown  at  your  carriage. 

On  his  arrival  in  Madrid  he  was  met  at  the  railway  sta 
tion  by  an  immense  crowd,  wrhich  seemed  to  be  the  entire 
population,  including  the  Ministry  and  officials  of  all  ranks. 
The  crowd  was  so  great  that  it  was  utterly  impossible  for 
the  police  to  clear  a  way  for  me  to  the  place  reserved  for 
the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  after  being  nearly  suffocated  and 
trampled  to  death  I  had  to  give  up  the  attempt.  In  report 
ing  the  event  to  the  Department  of  State  I  wrote  as  follows : 
"The  marked  attentions  which  the  King  received  from  the 
Emperors  of  Austria  and  Germany  have  been  very  gratify 
ing  to  his  subjects  and  have  tended  to  increase  his  prestige 
in  Spain;  but  the  unpleasant  incidents  which  occurred  in 
Paris  on  his  return  journey  created  a  profound  impression 
throughout  the  country,  and  led  to  a  popular  demonstration 
on  his  arrival  in  Madrid  which  has  rarely  been  witnessed 
here.  The  discourtesy  of  a  part  of  the  populace  of  Paris  was 
interpreted  as  an  indignity  to  the  Spanish  people,  and  men 
of  all  parties  and  schools  of  opinion  in  Spain  united  to  re 
ceive  the  King,  on  his  entry  into  the  Capital,  as  the  honored 
chief  of  the  nation.  Never  has  a  Spanish  monarch  been  re- 


246  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

ceived  with  such  enthusiastic  and  hearty  demonstrations. 
While  there  was  a  decided  difference  of  opinion  amongst 
Spanish  public  men  as  to  the  good  policy  of  the  foreign  tour, 
all  parties  agree  that  the  King  has  conducted  himself  with 
tact  and  prudence,  and,  however  it  may  affect  political 
circles,  the  general  result  is  personally  advantageous  to  Don 
Alfonso." 

With  the  Ministry  the  case  was  different.  The  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Marquis  de  la  Vega  de  Armijo,  who 
had  accompanied  Alfonso  on  his  foreign  tour  and  was  a  wit 
ness  of  the  Parisian  outrage,  returned  in  a  state  of  intense 
indignation.  Although  the  French  Government  had  promptly 
expressed  its  deep  regret  at  the  discourtesy  and  did  what  it 
could  to  make  amends,  Vega  de  Armijo  insisted  that  further 
reparation  should  be  made  and  that  the  Spanish  Ambassa 
dor  should  be  withdrawn  from  Paris.  The  chief  of  the  Minis 
try,  Sagasta,  was  not  willing  to  take  a  step  which  might  lead 
to  hostilities ;  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  tendered  his 
resignation ;  and,  as  other  differences  existed  in  the  Cabinet, 
the  whole  Ministry  resigned. 

The  King  constituted  a  new  Ministry,  at  the  head  of  which 
was  Posada-Herrera,  a  statesman  of  experience,  and  with 
associates  made  up  of  the  most  liberal  elements  of  the  ad 
herents  to  the  monarchy.  Its  programme  contained  very 
advanced  views  of  public  questions,  such  as  the  revision  of 
the  constitution,  universal  suffrage,  civil  marriage,  reform 
of  the  army,  and  more  liberal  foreign  trade.  In  my  comments 
to  the  Department  of  State,  I  spoke  of  this  Ministry  as  the 
most  liberal  one  since  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy,  and 
in  referring  to  what  seemed  to  be  a  steady  tendency  towards 
the  more  free  and  enlightened  principles  of  government, 
I  wrote :  "Much  of  the  credit  is  due  to  the  young  King,  who 
has  shown  himself  to  be  a  constitutional  sovereign,  imbued 
with  ideas  very  different  from  his  predecessors,  and  has  on 
frequent  occasions  announced  himself  to  be  a  liberal  ruler, 


MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  247 

especially  desirous  of  developing  the  peaceful  industries  of 
the  country  and  elevating  labor." 

It  seemed,  however,  that  the  programme  of  the  new  Min 
istry  was  in  advance  of  the  times,  and  that  the  Cabinet  must 
be  short-lived.  I  therefore  resolved  to  lose  no  time  in  im 
proving  the  opportunity  to  further  the  main  purpose  of  my 
mission.  The  Minister  of  State  or  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Ruiz 
Gomez,  was  a  man  of  large  experience,  several  times  a  cabi 
net  officer,  favorable  to  free  trade,  prompt  in  dispatch  of 
business,  and  characterized  by  frankness.  The  commercial 
intercourse  of  the  United  States  with  Cuba  had  for  years 
past  been  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  condition,  and  this  fact 
was  at  once  recognized  by  the  new  Minister  of  State.  Among 
the  most  annoying  of  these  conditions  was  what  is  known 
as  the  "discriminating  flag"  policy  of  Spain,  by  which  for 
eign  goods  imported  into  Spain  or  its  colonies  in  Spanish 
vessels  were  charged  a  lower  rate  of  duties  than  when  im 
ported  in  vessels  of  other  nationalities.  Under  this  system 
American  vessels  engaged  in  the  trade  with  Cuba  were  placed 
at  a  great  disadvantage,  and  especially  so  as  the  Cuban 
trade  was  largely  with  the  United  States.  The  system  had 
been  the  source  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  our  Government 
for  many  years,  and  under  a  statutory  provision  it  had  re 
sorted  to  retaliation  by  imposing  a  discriminating  tonnage 
tax  upon  all  Spanish  vessels  entering  the  ports  of  the  United 
States.  The  Minister  agreed  with  me  that  this  policy  of 
reprisals  was  neither  creditable  to  the  two  Governments, 
nor  did  it  tend  to  promote  trade,  and  we  reached  an  agree 
ment  to  remove  the  discriminating  charges  on  both  sides. 

This  was  an  important  step  taken  in  the  direction  of  im 
proved  commercial  relations  with  Cuba,  and  I  was  heartily 
congratulated  by  the  Secretary  of  State  for  my  success.  In 
drawing  up  the  articles  of  agreement  I  inserted,  with  the 
approval  of  the  Minister,  a  stipulation  that  we  would  enter 
without  delay  upon  negotiations  for  a  complete  treaty  of 


248  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

commerce  and  navigation  between  the  two  countries  re 
specting  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  The  agreement 
was  duly  signed,  but  one  of  its  stipulations  had  to  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  Cortes  for  approval. 

Before  that  action  could  be  had  the  expected  happened, 
the  advanced  Liberal  Ministry  fell  from  power,  and  a  Con 
servative  Ministry,  under  Canovas,  took  charge  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  I  stood  in  great  fear  lest  my  " discriminating  flag" 
agreement,  with  its  reciprocity  attachment,  would  likewise 
fall  with  the  Ministry  which  made  it.  But  my  anxiety  was 
not  of  long  duration,  for  as  soon  as  I  could  get  the  new  Min 
ister's  attention  to  the  business,  he  assured  me  he  would 
ratify  what  his  predecessor  had  done,  and  that  when  other 
matters  then  pressing  upon  his  attention  could  be  disposed 
of,  he  would  take  up  with  me  the  negotiations  for  the  Cuban 
reciprocity  treaty. 

The  excitement  occasioned  by  the  foreign  visit  of  the  King 
had  hardly  been  allayed  when  it  was  announced  that  a  re 
turn  visit  was  to  be  made  by  Frederick  William,  Crown 
Prince  of  Germany,  on  behalf  of  the  Emperor  William  I. 
This  visit  the  month  following  the  return  of  Don  Alfonso 
was  the  cause  of  much  comment  because  of  its  promptness 
and  of  the  strained  relations  existing  between  Germany  and 
France,  and  between  France  and  Spain  growing  out  of  the 
insults  to  the  King  in  Paris. 

On  account  of  the  peculiar  political  situation  the  recep 
tion  of  the  Crown  Prince  was  one  of  unusual  display  and 
enthusiasm.  The  King  went  in  state  to  receive  him  at  the 
railway  station,  and  nearly  the  whole  population  was  out 
to  welcome  him.  Military  reviews,  a  civil  banquet  in  the 
palace,  attended  by  the  Ministers  of  State,  Diplomatic  Corps, 
and  grandees,  another  banquet  in  the  palace  for  the  military 
officials,  a  concert,  a  reception,  and  a  state  ball;  hunting- 
parties,  excursions  to  neighboring  cities,  and  the  inevitable 
bull-fight  were  among  the  festivities. 


MY  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  249 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  attentions  was  the 
exhibition  of  the  great  store  of  old  tapestries  stowed  away 
in  the  palace,  which  were  brought  out  for  the  inspection  of 
the  Crown  Prince,  and  we  were  thus  afforded  the  rare  op 
portunity  of  inspecting  the  most  extensive  and  one  of  the 
finest  collections  of  tapestries  existing  in  the  world.  In 
the  time  of  Charles  V  and  Philip  II,  when  the  countries  pro 
ducing  the  finest  work  of  this  art  in  its  highest  perfection 
were  under  the  Spanish  dominion,  there  was  gathered  in 
Madrid  a  vast  store  of  choice  tapestries,  a  large  part  of  which 
are  packed  away  in  the  Royal  Palace.  On  this  occasion  they 
lined  all  the  courts,  halls,  and  passageways  of  the  extensive 
palace,  and  constituted  an  exhibition  not  possible  in  any 
other  part  of  Europe. 

I  was  honored  by  a  private  audience  of  the  Crown  Prince, 
and  held  with  him  a  conversation  of  some  length.  In  the 
course  of  it  he  expressed  the  warmest  friendship  for  the 
United  States  and  his  high  appreciation  of  the  kind  treat 
ment  which  German  subjects  and  immigrants  uniformly  re 
ceived  from  our  Government  and  people.  During  his  visit 
to  Spain  he  conducted  himself  with  great  prudence  and  good 
sense,  and  he  gained  the  hearty  good  will  of  the  people  of 
all  classes  by  his  soldierly  bearing,  his  gracious  manners,  and 
the  interest  he  manifested  in  the  national  institutions 
and  customs. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

CUBAN   CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  changes  of  ministries  in  Spain,  I  had 
not  been  unmindful  of  other  matters  which  had  been  in 
trusted  to  me,  the  most  important  of  which  were  the  claims 
of  American  citizens  against  the  Spanish  Government  for 
acts  of  the  Cuban  authorities.  Had  I  been  disposed  to  be 
unmindful  of  them,  the  claimants  and  their  attorneys  would 
not  have  allowed  me  to  sleep  upon  my  post  of  duty.  Dip 
lomatic  representatives  to  a  government  whose  finances  are 
embarrassed  have  a  thankless  task  in  urging  upon  it  the 
claims  of  their  unfortunate  countrymen  with  unsettled  ac 
counts.  A  Claims  Commission  had  been  in  session  in  Wash 
ington  for  some  years  previous  to  my  appointment,  and  had 
adjudicated  a  large  number  of  claims  of  Americans  for  injuries 
suffered  to  their  properties  in  Cuba,  growing  out  of  the  insur 
rection.  But  in  a  number  of  these  cases  the  claimants  felt 
that  injustice  had  been  done  them  by  the  Commission,  and 
they  had  induced  our  Government  to  assume  their  con 
tinued  prosecution.  I  was  accordingly  instructed  to  present 
them  to  the  Spanish  Government  and  urge  upon  it  their 
allowance  and  payment. 

Most  of  these  claims  were  meritorious,  but  they  labored 
under  the  disadvantage  of  having  been  before  a  commission 
which  had  failed  to  pass  upon  them  favorably,  some  for 
want  of  jurisdiction  and  others  for  reasons  which  did  not 
seem  sound  to  our  Government.  I  labored  most  industri 
ously  to  convince  the  Spanish  Government  of  the  justice 
of  our  pretensions,  and  sent  to  the  Foreign  Office  reams  of 
arguments  and  exhibits,  but  to  no  purpose.  My  wily  op- 


CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY        251 

ponents  used  strongly  against  me  the  action  of  the  Com 
mission,  and  the  untrustworthy  character  of  the  citizenship 
of  our  clients,  who  they  claimed  were  mostly  renegade 
Cuban  Spanish  subjects  in  the  fraudulent  disguise  of  Ameri 
can  citizens. 

Besides  it  was  insisted  that  Spain  had  counter-claims  to 
offset  those  of  the  Americans.  While  the  claims  of  the  Brit 
ish  and  French  for  damages  growing  out  of  the  American 
Civil  War  had  been  adjudicated  by  commissions  and  paid, 
those  of  Spanish  subjects  were  still  unsettled;  that  there 
were  other  claims  growing  out  of  the  cession  of  Florida ;  and 
that  these  would  more  than  offset  those  now  urged  by  us. 

But  back  of  all  those  defenses  and  arguments  was  the 
stubborn  fact  that  the  Spanish  Treasury  was  empty;  that 
every  year  the  national  budget  showed  a  deficit ;  and  if  there 
was  not  money  enough  in  the  Treasury  to  pay  Spanish  sub 
jects  their  dues,  why  should  they  allow  these  American  claims 
to  worry  them?  After  a  similar  experience  twelve  years 
before,  John  Hay,  in  his  charming  book,  "Castilian  Days," 
wrote:  "You  can  never,  even  after  years  of  experience, 
predict  the  answer  which  the  Spanish  Government  will  make 
to  a  just  claim.  You  can  only  be  sure  of  one  thing  —  that  it 
will  not  pay.  They  will  at  first  deny  the  fact,  they  will  next 
make  an  argument  on  the  law,  and  they  will  end  by  silence 
and  shameless  delay.  Even  the  bayonet  is  not  always  a 
sufficient  persuader.  They  would  often  rather  fight  than 
pay.  There  is  usually  too  pressing  need  of  money  in  the 
august  circles  of  the  Court  and  Cabinet  to  have  any  of  it 
wasted  in  the  payment  of  debts." 

This  extract  is  entertaining  reading,  but  it  was  not  found 
strictly  accurate  in  my  relations  with  the  Government.  I 
regard  the  poverty  of  the  Treasury  as  the  main  cause  of  the 
delay  and  evasion.  I  was  instructed  to  secure  the  payment 
of  the  awards  of  the  Commission  to  which  I  have  referred, 
and  after  considerable  delay  and  frequent  urging  I  obtained 


252  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

payment.  One  of  the  matters  of  complaint,  for  which  I  was 
instructed  to  secure  a  remedy,  was  what  was  termed  "the 
cattle  tax.'7  An  important  trade  had  grown  up  in  the  ship 
ment  of  cattle  from  Florida  to  Cuba,  and  the  Spanish  Gov 
ernment  directed  its  consuls  to  collect  a  tax  or  fee  of  ten 
cents  per  ton  on  such  shipments.  To  this  our  Government 
had  been  objecting  for  several  years,  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  not  a  legitimate  charge  for  consular  services,  but  was 
in  fact  an  export  tax  collected  by  foreign  officials  in  Ameri 
can  territory.  After  much  discussion  I  secured  the  aboli 
tion  of  this  exaction  and  a  promise  of  the  return  of  the  money 
collected,  and  repayment  was  made  just  at  the  close  of  my 
mission. 

Another  case  of  payment  of  obligations  highly  creditable 
to  Spain  may  be  mentioned.  Under  a  claims  treaty  of  1834 
the  Spanish  Government  recognized  certain  debts  due  to 
American  citizens  and  obligated  itself  to  make  a  perpetual 
payment  semi-annually  of  interest  on  the  amount  of  the 
debts.  Because  of  the  war  of  1898  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  it  was  held  that  all  existing  treaties  between  the 
two  countries  were  abrogated.  But  when  the  war  was  over, 
while  all  of  her  treaties  were  accepted  as  having  been  term 
inated  by  the  war,  the  Spanish  Government  not  only  re 
habilitated  this  treaty,  but  paid  up  the  interest  which  had 
fallen  due  while  hostilities  were  in  progress. 

I  have  intimated  that  the  private  American  claimants  and 
their  attorneys  were  active  in  keeping  their  interests  ever 
before  me.  One  of  the  most  energetic  of  these  was  a  Wash 
ington  claims  agent,  who  before  my  departure  from  home 
had  sought  to  inspire  me  with  a  double  portion  of  zeal  in 
behalf  of  his  clients.  He  had  already  made  more  than  one 
journey  to  Madrid  to  study  the  methods  by  which  he  might 
induce  the  Spanish  Government  to  look  with  favor  upon  his 
claim.  Some  time  after  I  had  been  at  my  post  and  he  had 
been  advised  that  I  had  presented  his  case  to  the  Gov- 


CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY        253 

ernment  and  was  urging  its  settlement,  he  again  turned  up 
at  Madrid. 

Taking  the  precaution  to  telegraph  me  from  Paris  that  he 
was  en  route  with  fresh  instructions  from  President  Arthur, 
on  his  arrival  he  waited  upon  me  and  read  to  me  a  letter 
written  by  one  of  the  " attorneys"  in  the  case,  giving  what 
claimed  to  be  the  substance  of  a  conference  which  this  "  at 
torney,"  a  very  close  friend  of  the  President,  had  held  with 
him.  In  the  conference  the  President  had  told  him  that  his 
patience  had  been  exhausted  with  the  delays  of  Spain,  and 
that  instructions  had  been  sent  to  me  to  press  the  claims 
with  renewed  energy  upon  the  Government,  and  that  if  it 
persisted  in  its  refusal  to  make  a  just  settlement  I  must  give 
it  to  understand  that  our  Government  would  resort  to  force 
for  their  collection,  and  that  its  ultimatum  would  be  "  claims 
or  war  —  claims  or  Cuba." 

I  was  compelled  to  say  to  this  earnest  agent  that  I  had 
received  no  such  instructions  as  those  indicated  in  his  at 
torney's  letter;  in  fact,  that  I  had  been  given  no  new  in 
structions  on  the  subject  since  I  left  Washington.  But  in 
quite  an  excited  manner  he  insisted  that  here  were  the  Presi 
dent's  instructions  as  outlined  in  the  attorney's  letter.  I  had 
quietly  to  inform  him  that  the  usual  way  in  which  the 
President  issued  instructions  to  diplomatic  representatives 
was  through  the  Department  of  State,  and  that  if  that 
practice  was  departed  from  I  must  have  the  President's 
wishes  over  his  own  signature. 

It  was  agreed,  however,  that  the  agent  would  wait  in 
Madrid  until  I  could  communicate  with  Washington  by 
cable.  I  very  promptly  received  a  cable  message  from  the 
Secretary  of  State,  saying  that  no  new  instructions  had  been 
issued  to  me  and  none  were  contemplated.  When  I  informed 
the  agent  of  the  contents  of  the  Secretary's  cablegram,  he 
left  me  in  a  high  state  of  excitement  and  indignation,  and  on 
his  return  to  Washington  reported  that  I  had  been  corrupted 


254  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

by  the  Spanish  Government.  I  afterwards  learned  that  the 
"attorney,"  through  whom  the  alleged  instructions  of  the 
President  had  been  sent  to  me,  was  the  family  dentist  of 
the  President  who  made  occasional  visits  from  New  York 
to  Washington  to  inspect  the  President's  teeth.  The  claims 
agent,  learning  of  this  fact,  had  " retained"  him  in  the  in 
terest  of  his  clients,  and  the  instructions  to  me,  which  might 
be  so  fateful  in  their  results,  had  been  issued  by  the  Chief 
Magistrate  in  the  intervals  of  gold-plugging ! 

It  may  be  correctly  inferred  from  what  has  already  been 
written  that  the  business  of  the  American  Legation  at 
Madrid  related  almost  exclusively  to  Cuban  matters.  In 
addition  to  the  subjects  alluded  to,  much  of  my  time  was 
taken  up  with  getting  American  vessels  out  of  trouble  with 
the  Cuban  customs  authorities.  The  duties  on  imports  to  the 
island  were  so  high  that  they  offered  an  incentive  to  smug 
gling,  and  all  American  vessels  were  not  able  to  resist  the 
temptation.  Other  innocent  ones  were  frequently  suspected, 
and  seizures  were  frequent.  The  customs  regulations  were 
complicated  and  exacting,  and,  administered  as  they  often 
were  by  dishonest  officials,  the  American  shippers  and 
importers  were  constantly  involved  in  controversies  with 
them. 

The  passport  system  in  Cuba  was  strict  and  the  fees  on 
account  of  it  heavy,  and  the  complaints  of  Americans  re 
specting  the  enforcement  of  the  regulations  were  quite  seri 
ous.  I  was  able  to  secure  some  modification  of  them,  but  the 
system  continued  to  be  maintained. 

Restless  and  dissatisfied  Cubans  were  seeking  to  make 
the  United  States  a  place  of  conspiracy  and  base  of  military 
operations  against  the  island.  The  Spanish  Government 
maintained  an  efficient  system  of  espionage,  and  the  Minister 
at  Washington  was  by  no  means  negligent  in  bringing  the 
filibustering  operations,  supposed  or  real,  to  the  attention 
of  our  authorities. 


CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY        255 

The  trade  and  finances  of  Cuba  were  a  fruitful  source  of 
discussion  in  the  Cortes.  The  financial  condition  came  under 
review  annually  with  the  voting  of  the  budget,  and  it  could 
scarcely  be  represented  in  a  more  wretched  state  than  that 
depicted  in  the  speeches  of  the  members.  Constantly  grow 
ing  deficits,  temporary  loans  at  ten  and  twelve  per  cent 
interest,  the  budget  sought  to  be  balanced  by  a  bank  loan 
in  advance,  the  army  six  months  or  more  behind  in  pay, 
taxation  double  that  of  Spain,  were  some  of  these  conditions. 
We  may  learn  something  of  the  feeling  of  the  country  from 
the  concluding  words  of  a  speech  of  Senor  Moret,  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  of  the  friends  of  Cuba.  The  fair  island,  he 
said,  to  be  released  from  her  wretched  situation,  needs  to 
be  supported  on  the  vigorous  arm  of  her  old  mother,  and 
this  support  must  be  rendered  in  order  to  give  her  treasury 
full  freedom.  He  was  one  of  those  who  never  should  believe 
that  Cuba  could  be  separated  from  Spain  —  he  believed  it 
impossible ;  but  if  it  should  come,  that  day  the  sun  would 
truly  set  on  the  Spanish  dominions. 

The  sale  of  Cuba  to  the  United  States  was  a  constant  bug 
bear,  which  was  frequently  discussed  in  the  Spanish  press 
and  debated  in  the  National  Chambers.  In  the  days  of  the 
Ostend  Manifesto  and  when  the  fiery  Soule  represented  our 
Government  at  Madrid  in  ante-bellum  times,  there  were 
grounds  for  such  reports,  but  no  serious  project  to  that  end 
had  in  later  years  been  entertained  by  the  administrations 
at  Washington.  Still  the  spectre  appeared  in  the  Spanish 
Chambers  from  time  to  time.  During  my  residence,  in  one 
of  the  discussions  in  the  Senate  —  it  could  not  be  called  a  de 
bate,  for  all  parties  were  of  one  mind,  rather  a  flow  of  ora 
tory  —  Canovas,  the  Prime  Minister,  uttered  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  nation  when  he  declared  that  "  never,  in 
any  eventuality,  cost  what  it  might,  never  would  Spain 
cede  to  any  foreign  country  a  part  of  its  territory ;  and,  that 
it  might  be  understood  beyond  the  seas,  he  made  the 


256  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

declaration  directly  applicable  to  Cuba,  which  was  all  that 
remained  of  Spain's  former  glory,  of  the  grand  history  of 
her  great  conquests  in  the  other  world ;  for  with  its  loss  she 
would  lose  more  than  life  —  national  honor  —  and  this  the 
Spanish  nation  will  never  renounce." 

The  discussion  closed  by  the  unanimous  adoption  of  a  re 
solution  by  the  Senate,  which  repelled  "with  indignation 
every  project  which  tends  to  separate  or  transfer  our  Antilla 
[Cuba]  from  the  mother  country,  for  whose  preservation 
there  is  no  sacrifice  which  the  noble  and  worthy  Spanish 
nation  is  not  ready  to  make." 

General  Prim,  the  most  sagacious  and  courageous  Spanish 
statesman  of  his  day,  saw  clearly  that  Cuba  was  doomed  to 
be  lost  to  the  Crown,  and  he  felt  that  it  would  be  good  policy 
to  anticipate  this  inevitable  separation  and  make  it  of  some 
value  to  the  mother  country.  But  the  remark  is  attributed 
to  him  that  if  he  should  consent  to  the  separation  of  the 
island,  his  countrymen  would  tear  him  to  pieces  with  wild 
horses. 

As  soon  as  it  was  possible  I  secured  the  attention  of  the 
Minister  of  State  of  the  Ca* novas  Cabinet  to  the  project  of  a 
commercial  reciprocity  treaty  for  Cuba,  and  in  a  few  confer 
ences  it  became  apparent  that  views  were  entertained  on 
one  side  or  the  other  which  made  an  agreement  impossible 
without  important  modifications  or  concessions.  The  Span 
ish  Ministry,  while  sincerely  desirous  of  making  a  treaty 
which  would  benefit  Cuba  and  tend  to  revive  its  depressed 
industries,  was  restrained  by  powerful  interests  in  the  Pen 
insula.  For  a  long  time  past  it  had  been  the  policy  of  the 
Government  to  retain  the  import  trade  into  Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico  for  the  producers  and  manufacturers  of  the  mother 
country.  It  had  also  been  the  practice  to  interpret  "the 
most  favored  nation"  clause  of  its  treaties  as  obligating 
the  Government  to  grant  commercial  privileges  freely  to  all 
nations  with  which  it  had  treaties.  These  two  policies,  if 


CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY        257 

adhered  to,  made  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United  States 
impracticable.  There  were  other  views  entertained  by  the 
Spanish  Government  in  conflict  with  those  of  our  Govern 
ment  ;  and  on  the  other  hand  some  of  the  privileges  sought 
to  be  obtained  by  us  in  a  reciprocity  treaty  were  objection 
able  to  Spain. 

I  reached  a  point  in  the  negotiations  where  I  deemed  it 
desirable  to  have  a  personal  conference  with  the  Secretary 
of  State  and  possibly  with  the  President;  and  upon  repre 
senting  the  matter  to  Secretary  Frelinghuysen  I  received 
authority  by  cable  to  make  a  visit  to  Washington,  which 
I  did  in  the  spring  of  1884. 

After  a  full  exchange  of  views  with  the  Department  of 
State,  and  after  conferences  with  various  organizations  and 
interests  in  Washington  and  New  York  concerned  in  the 
Cuban  trade  and  industries,  I  returned  to  Madrid,  in  June, 
1884,  and  took  up  anew  with  the  Spanish  Government  the 
commercial  reciprocity  treaty  negotiations.  After  some 
weeks  spent  in  discussing  the  matter  with  the  Minister  of 
State  and  the  Minister  of  the  Colonies  (Ultramar  —  having 
special  charge  of  the  affairs  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico),  I  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  negotiations  would  drag  along 
interminably,  unless  I  could  have  some  competent  person 
with  whom  to  negotiate  directly,  who  could  give  his  whole 
time  to  the  subject  and  would  be  willing  to  master  the  infinite 
detail  of  trade  statistics  necessary  to  a  full  comprehension 
of  the  business  in  hand. 

I  accordingly  took  the  responsibility  of  making  a  direct 
appeal  to  the  Prime  Minister,  Senor  Canovas,  whom  I  knew 
to  be  a  man  of  decision  and  clear  perception.  I  had  already 
established  very  pleasant  relations  with  him,  was  cordially 
received,  and  after  stating  to  him  the  little  progress  made  in 
our  negotiations  and  the  obstacles  in  the  way,  mainly  grow 
ing  out  of  the  multiplicity  of  business  in  the  hands  of  the  two 
ministers  of  his  Cabinet  with  whom  I  was  carrying  on  nego- 


258  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

tiations,  and  their  consequent  inability  to  give  me  the  time 
required,  I  suggested  the  appointment  of  a  special  negotiator 
to  take  the  matter  in  charge.  He  promised  to  take  up  the 
matter  without  delay  with  the  ministers  of  the  two  depart 
ments  concerned,  and  within  a  few  days  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  being  informed  that  Senor  Salvador  de  Abacete  had  been 
appointed  a  special  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  and  sign 
with  me  a  treaty  of  commercial  reciprocity. 

I  was  entirely  satisfied  with  the  plenipotentiary  named. 
He  was  a  man  of  large  experience  in  public  affairs,  having 
held  important  positions  under  the  Government,  at  the  time 
a  Senator,  and  well  fitted  by  experience  and  capacity  to 
master  the  details  of  the  business  intrusted  to  him.  Thence 
forth  the  negotiations  progressed  steadily  to  the  end.  A  final 
agreement  was  not  reached,  however,  without  much  dis 
cussion,  and  questions  arose  which  for  the  time  seemed  to 
threaten  a  disagreement.  On  the  two  points  named,  of  the 
Peninsula  trade  and  "the  favored  nation"  clause,  I  had  to 
appeal  again  to  Senor  Ca" novas. 

At  last  all  difficulties  were  overcome,  and  on  November 
25,  1884,  a  treaty  of  commercial  reciprocity  was  signed,  sat 
isfactory  to  the  executive  departments  of  the  two  Govern 
ments,  to  regulate  the  trade  and  commerce  between  the 
United  States  and  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  Upon 
notifying  the  Department  of  State  of  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty,  Secretary  Frelinghuysen  instructed  me  by  cable  to 
come  to  Washington  at  once,  bringing  the  treaty  with  me. 
The  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  about  to  assemble, 
and  the  treaty  would  be  submitted  to  the  Senate  for  advice 
and  consent  to  its  ratification;  and  the  object  of  ordering 
me  to  Washington  was  that  I  might  be  on  the  ground  to  furn 
ish  any  desired  information  to  the  Department  of  State  or 
the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations  of  the  Senate  in  the 
consideration  of  the  treaty. 

I  reached  Washington  with  the  treaty  on  the  morning  of 


CUBAN  CLAIMS  AND  RECIPROCITY        259 

December  8,  and  that  same  morning  the  treaty  appeared  in 
full  in  one  of  the  New  York  papers,  before  the  President  had 
had  an  opportunity  to  transmit  the  official  text  to  the  Senate. 
It  was  an  evidence  of  newspaper  enterprise,  as  it  had  been 
telegraphed  in  full  from  Madrid,  and  it,  with  the  schedules 
of  articles,  constituted  a  very  lengthy  document.  A  copy  of 
the  treaty  had  been  obtained  by  bribing  an  official  in  the 
Spanish  Ministry  of  State,  who  it  is  understood  received  two 
thousand  dollars  for  the  surreptitious  copy.  The  offender 
was  an  unworthy  Spanish  nobleman,  a  count,  and  this  act 
was  all  that  saved  his  name  from  oblivion.  To  their  credit, 
be  it  said,  the  Madrid  press  were  unanimous  in  denouncing 
his  conduct.  The  premature  publication  was  of  little  conse 
quence,  as  the  treaty  would  have  been  made  public  by  the 
Senate  in  due  time  and  before  any  discussion  by  that  body. 

In  negotiating  and  signing  the  treaty  I  had  successfully 
completed  the  mission  upon  which  I  had  been  sent  to  Spain. 
It  was  such  a  convention  as  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  State  desired  and  had  instructed  me  to  make.  It  remained 
with  the  Senate  to  exercise  its  constitutional  function  in 
passing  upon  the  question  whether  in  its  judgment  it  was 
for  the  interest  of  our  country  to  give  it  effect  and  put  it  in 
operation. 

The  Senate  had  ratified  the  reciprocity  convention  with 
Mexico  made  the  year  before,  and  that  was  accepted  by  the 
President  as  an  indorsement  of  the  policy  of  commercial  reci 
procity  with  our  neighboring  countries.  Had  it  been  possible 
to  submit  the  Cuban  convention  at  that  time,  doubtless  it 
would  have  been  ratified  likewise.  But  since  that  time  im 
portant  political  events  had  occurred.  President  Arthur, 
who  desired  the  nomination  of  his  party  for  another  term, 
had  been  defeated  in  the  convention.  The  Republican  Party 
had  been  beaten  in  the  national  election,  and  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  about  to  enter  upon  the  Presidency  with  a  policy  op 
posed  to  commercial  reciprocity.  While  there  were  Demo- 


260  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

cratic  Senators  who  were  warm  advocates  of  the  Cuban 
treaty,  the  influence  of  the  incoming  Administration  was 
thrown  against  it. 

Neither  was  there  a  unanimous  support  by  Republican 
Senators.  Mr.  Blaine,  the  defeated  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency,  felt  resentment  at  not  being  continued  in  the  Arthur 
Cabinet  after  the  death  of  President  Garfield  and  at  the 
alleged  want  of  hearty  support  from  the  Administration  in 
the  recent  campaign.  He  spent  the  winter  in  Washington 
when  the  treaty  was  before  the  Senate,  and,  although  he 
became  a  few  years  later  the  champion  of  reciprocity,  he 
gave  his  intimate  friends  to  understand  that  it  would  be  bet 
ter  not  to  act  upon  this  measure.  For  instance,  he  said  to 
Congressman  Hitt,  late  his  Assistant  Secretary  in  the  De 
partment,  but  a  supporter  of  the  Cuban  treaty,  that  "  there 
are  too  many  treaties  before  the  Senate  just  now,"  referring 
to  the  Cuban  and  Dominican  reciprocity  conventions  and 
the  Nicaraguan  Canal  treaty. 

President  Arthur  and  his  measures  encountered  the  same 
embarrassment  which  attends  the  policy  of  a  defeated  Pre 
sident,  as  his  term  draws  to  its  close  —  the  powerful  opposi 
tion  of  the  incoming  Administration  and  the  lukewaramess  of 
his  own  party.  The  Cuban  treaty  never  came  to  a  vote  in 
the  Senate,  and  it  and  the  other  two  treaties  mentioned  were 
withdrawn  from  the  Senate  by  President  Cleveland  a  few 
days  after  his  inauguration.  There  was  a  failure  also  of  the 
Grant-Romero  reciprocity  convention  with  Mexico,  for  al 
though  it  had  been  approved  by  the  President  and  ratified 
by  the  Senate,  yet  it  never  went  into  effect  because  the 
House  of  Representatives  refused  to  vote  the  necessary  legis 
lation  for  that  purpose.  For  the  time  commercial  reciprocity 
was  out  of  favor  in  Congress. 


CHAPTER  XX 

STATESMEN  AND  DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID 

THE  study  of  the  public  men  I  found  one  of  the  most  inter 
esting  subjects  in  Spanish  politics.  In  this  study  I  was  struck 
with  the  almost  insignificant  part  that  the  nobility  took  in 
public  affairs,  and  how  in  these  later  years  the  policies  of  the 
Government  were  directed  by  men  who  had  risen  from  the 
ranks  of  the  people.  This  fact  was  especially  emphasized  in 
the  leaders  of  the  political  parties  into  which  the  country 
was  divided.  The  three  best  known  of  these  leaders  were 
Cdnovas,  Sagasta,  and  Castelar. 

Antonio  Cdnovas  del  Castillo  was  born  of  lowly  but  re 
spectable  parents  at  Malaga  in  1828.  As  a  youth  he  made  his 
way  to  Madrid  and  obtained  employment  as  a  clerk  in  a  rail 
road  office.  He  used  his  wages  to  secure  an  education  in  the 
schools  and  at  the  University.  After  completing  his  studies 
he  took  to  journalism  as  a  profession,  became  a  lecturer  in 
the  University,  and  established  a  reputation  as  a  historical 
author.  He  entered  upon  his  political  career  under  Marshal 
O'Donnel.  After  the  banishment  of  Isabella  he  became  a 
steadfast  adherent  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty,  though  he  ad 
vocated  its  restoration  only  through  peaceful  means.  When 
the  change  came  and  Alfonso  was  called  back  to  assume  the 
crown,  Ca"  novas  appeared  holding  a  power  of  attorney  or 
mandate  from  the  coming  king  to  assume  the  Government 
and  organize  a  Ministry. 

For  six  years  he  remained  at  the  head  of  the  Ministry  and 
showed  much  industry  and  skill  in  reestablishing  the  mon 
archy.  The  Constitution  of  1876  which  still  prevails  was  his 
workmanship.  It  limited  the  franchise,  curtailed  the  liberty 
of  conscience  and  the  press,  and  made  a  firm  compact  with 


262  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  Vatican.  He  did  much  to  conciliate  the  Carlists  by  his 
friendly  relations  with  the  Pope  and  by  his  conservative 
measures.  He  courted  the  friendship  of  Austria  and  Germany, 
rather  than  of  republican  France. 

His  conservative  policy  continued  so  strenuous  that  the 
more  liberal  spirit  of  the  country  forced  him  temporarily  from 
power,  and  he  alternated  with  Sagasta,  the  Liberal  Leader, 
in  the  conduct  of  the  Government  for  many  years.  He  was 
Prime  Minister  when  Alfonso  XII  died,  and  he  advised  the 
Queen  Regent  Christina  to  place  the  Government  again  in 
the  hands  of  his  Liberal  opponent,  as  a  greater  guarantee 
of  the  stability  of  the  monarchy  and  protection  from  repub 
lican  assaults.  It  was  an  exhibition  of  self-abnegation  not 
common  with  politicians,  and  proved  him  more  patriotic 
than  ambitious.  He  continued,  however,  in  public  life  and 
from  time  to  time,  with  the  fluctuations  of  parties,  served 
as  Prime  Minister,  holding  that  position  when  he  was  assas 
sinated  by  an  anarchist  in  1897. 

Seiior  Canovas,  whether  judged  by  his  record  of  achieved 
results  or  by  his  ability  and  attainments,  must  be  regarded 
as  the  first  Spanish  statesman  of  his  generation.  He  brought 
order  out  of  the  chaos  into  which  his  country  had  fallen.  He 
had  witnessed  the  overthrow  of  an  absolute  monarchy,  of  a 
constitutional  monarchy,  an  elective  monarchy,  a  republic, 
various  regencies,  civil  and  military  dictatorships,  until  the 
people,  wearied  and  exhausted  by  the  violent  transforma 
tions,  under  his  guidance  turned  again  to  the  Bourbons.  It 
is  his  statesmanship  more  than  any  other  influence  which 
has  given  to  the  Peninsula  the  long  era  of  continuous  gov 
ernment,  peace,  and  development  enjoyed  since  1874. 

Of  all  the  Prime  Ministers  with  whom  I  had  to  do  I  found 
Cdnovas  the  most  satisfactory  in  our  official  intercourse.  I 
had  frequently  to  appeal  to  him  from  the  dilatory  practices 
of  his  colleagues.  I  found  him  broad-minded,  prompt  to  com 
prehend  and  dispatch  business,  and  I  could  place  implicit 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  263 

reliance  in  his  promises.  These  are  some  of  the  elements 
which  made  him  a  successful  statesman  and  gave  him  such 
a  firm  hold  upon  his  followers. 

He  was  not  eloquent,  but  a  very  effective  debater;  not 
attractive  in  personal  appearance,  but  every  one  who  came 
in  contact  with  him  at  once  recognized  him  as  a  man  of 
marked  ability.  As  a  writer  and  scholar  he  was  well  versed 
in  social,  economic,  and  philosophical  questions.  He  stood 
among  the  first  in  the  Madrid  academies,  and  was  a  liberal 
patron  of  the  arts  and  letters. 

Praxedes  Mateo  Sagasta  was  born  of  humble  parentage 
one  year  before  Canovas,  and  like  him  came  from  his  pro 
vince  to  Madrid  for  his  education,  which  was  for  the  profession 
of  engineering,  eking  out  his  living  meanwhile  by  work  as  a 
reporter  for  the  press.  In  college  he  early  imbibed  advanced 
Liberal  views,  and  entering  upon  political  life  he  twice  suf 
fered  exile  on  account  of  his  advanced  opinions.  On  the  over 
throw  of  Isabella  he  returned  to  Madrid,  and  accepted  a  place 
in  the  Cabinet  under  General  Prim,  was  Prime  Minister  under 
Amadeus,  and  was  holding  that  position  under  the  Serrano 
regency  when  the  army  pronounced  in  favor  of  Don  Alfonso. 
He  quietly  gave  way  to  Cdnovas,  and  bided  his  time  for  the 
assertion  of  his  Liberal  principles.  He  was  soon  returned  to 
the  Cortes  and  began  a  propaganda  for  an  enlarged  suffrage, 
the  establishment  of  civil  marriage,  greater  freedom  of  the 
press  and  association,  trial  by  jury,  and  other  measures  more 
in  consonance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times  than  the  constitu 
tion  framed  by  Cdnovas.  Some  of  those  measures  have  been 
incorporated  into  laws,  and  whatever  progress  in  more  en 
lightened  principles  of  government  has  been  made  by  Spain 
in  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  has  been  brought  about 
mainly  by  the  championship  of  Sagasta. 

The  greatest  service  which  he  was  able  to  render  his  coun 
try  was  the  cordial  support  and  unswerving  loyalty  which 
he  brought  to  the  Dowager  Regent  Christina  through  the  long 


264  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

period  of  the  minority  of  Alfonso  XIII.  After  various  minis 
terial  mutations,  he  was  in  power  when  the  young  heir  to  the 
throne  attained  his  majority,  and  he  had  the  great  gratifica 
tion  of  having  him  crowned  and  well  started  upon  his  reign. 
He  made  himself  persona  gratissima  both  to  the  Queen 
Regent  and  the  young  heir,  when  the  austere  manners  of  the 
King-Maker  Cdnovas  seemed  to  repel  them  in  their  personal 
relations. 

Another  epoch  in  the  career  of  Sagasta  was  not  so  agree 
able  to  him.  When  Cdnovas  was  voted  out  in  1897,  Sagasta 
became  again  Prime  Minister,  and  was  in  power  during  the 
troublous  times  which  brought  on  and  ended  the  war  with 
the  United  States.  It  was  he  who  recalled  Weyler  from  Cuba, 
proclaimed  his  intention  to  give  complete  autonomy  to  that 
island,  and  strove  hard  to  avert  war,  the  result  of  which  he 
could  readily  foresee.  But  the  fates  were  against  him,  "the 
pearl  of  the  Antilles  "  must  be  forever  lost,  and  the  sinking 
of  the  Maine  frustrated  all  his  well-meant  plans.  He  too  had 
to  bear  the  humiliation  of  directing  the  negotiations  which 
resulted  in  stripping  his  proud  nation  of  all  its  colonial  pos 
sessions  beyond  the  sea.  But  the  reviving  spirit  of  enterprise 
and  development  of  the  Peninsula  in  these  later  years  is 
showing  that  the  catastrophe  which  the  nation  suffered 
during  his  administration  is  not  proving  such  a  disaster  as  he 
and  his  countrymen  supposed. 

Sagasta  was  the  most  astute  and  accomplished  Spanish 
politician  of  his  day.  He  was  sometimes  termed  "the  James 
G.  Blaine  of  Spanish  politics."  A  born  leader,  bold  and  ag 
gressive  towards  his  opponents,  he  always  commanded  a 
large  and  devoted  band  of  blind  followers,  and  was  not  over 
scrupulous  in  his  partisan  methods.  He  was  an  eloquent 
speaker,  full  of  life  and  fire,  abounding  in  flattery  or  quiet 
irony  as  occasion  required,  skillful  in  debate,  but  much  of 
a  trimmer. 

He  was  not  prepossessing  in  personal  appearance.   John 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  265 

Hay's  description  of  him  was :  "He  has  a  dark  wrinkled  face, 
small  bright  eyes,  the  smile  and  scowl  of  Mephistopheles." 
Prince  Hohenlohe,  the  German  Chancellor,  described  him 
as  "a  small,  Jewish-looking,  vivacious  man."  I  always  had 
very  pleasant  relations  with  him,  but  I  never  felt  that  I  could 
lean  upon  him  when  I  got  into  trouble  with  his  ministers  as 
I  could  upon  Ca"novas.  He  was  too  profuse  in  his  promises  to 
be  always  reliable.  When  I  went  to  say  good-bye  to  him  on 
leaving  Spain,  he  expressed  great  regret  at  my  going,  and  in 
parting  he  said  if  I  ever  wanted  anything  in  Spain,  only  send 
him  dos  palabras  (two  words)  and  it  should  be  granted.  He 
died  in  1903  at  the  ripe  age  of  seventy-six,  having  filled  an 
important  space  in  Spanish  history  and  accomplished  a  use 
ful  work  in  his  country's  advancement. 

The  most  widely  known  abroad  and  most  admired  at  home 
of  the  political  leaders  was  Emilio  Castelar.  But  this  reputa 
tion  was  based  upon  his  brilliant  oratorical  gifts  and  his  ac 
complishments  as  a  writer,  for  he  was  not  successful  as  a 
leader  of  men.  He  was  inspired  in  his  youth  with  progressive 
political  ideas  by  his  father,  who  was  a  leader  of  the  Liberal 
movement  in  the  wretched  reign  of  Ferdinand  VII,  and  was 
forced  to  spend  much  time  in  exile.  The  son  early  entered  pub 
lic  life,  and  in  the  reign  of  Isabella  II  soon  stood  at  the  front 
of  the  radical  leaders.  Implicated  in  Prim's  uprising  in  1866, 
he  was  sentenced  to  death,  but  escaped  to  France,  where  he 
remained  until  the  banishment  of  Isabella.  He  then  returned 
to  Madrid  and  became  a  steadfast  and  outspoken  advocate 
of  a  republican  form  of  government.  When  the  short-lived 
republic  came  into  existence  in  1873  he  became  its  president, 
and  on  the  reestablishment  of  the  monarchy  he  went  into 
voluntary  exile.  Being  elected  a  deputy  to  the  Cortes  the 
following  year,  he  took  his  seat  and  remained  continuously 
a  member  up  to  the  time  of  his  death. 

He  did  not  agree  with  the  majority  of  his  republican  col 
leagues,  because  he  advocated  bringing  about  a  republic  by 


266  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  peaceful  means  of  public  opinion.  He  was  a  consistent 
republican  in  that  he  never  attended  the  official  receptions 
at  the  Royal  Palace,  but  he  always  maintained  friendly  per 
sonal  and  social  relations  with  both  Cdnovas  and  Sagasta, 
and  participated  with  them  in  the  meetings  of  the  Academy 
and  other  literary  and  scientific  bodies.  Both  of  these  leaders 
always  saw  to  it  that  Castelar  was  returned  to  the  Cortes  at 
every  election,  as  his  peaceful  propaganda  made  him  less 
dangerous  to  the  monarchy  than  the  conspiring  republicans, 
and  besides,  these  monarchical  leaders  could  not  deprive 
themselves  nor  the  public  of  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  his 
rhetorical  orations  in  the  Cortes.  Whenever  it  was  announced 
that  Castelar  was  to  speak,  the  chamber  was  crowded  to 
suffocation,  the  women  of  high  society  going  many  hours  in 
advance  of  the  meeting,  carrying  a  lunch  with  them.  His 
speeches  were  applauded  to  the  echo,  but  they  had  no  appar 
ent  effect  upon  legislation. 

He  was  a  charming  man  in  his  social  relations,  and  on  his 
evenings  at  home  his  house  was  thronged  with  his  personal 
friends  and  admirers,  literary  and  scientific  people,  and  poli 
ticians.  He  was  a  brilliant  conversationalist,  and  was  in 
clined  to  be  the  chief  participant  in  the  circle.  All  Americans, 
and  especially  the  diplomatic  representatives,  were  cordially 
welcomed  by  him.  He  had  been  presented  with  a  life-sized 
portrait  of  Washington,  which  he  showed  with  pride  to  his 
American  visitors,  rarely  omitting  the  occasion  to  pronounce 
a  eulogy  on  the  subject  of  it.  I  was  often  at  his  house  and 
he  at  my  table  and  with  my  family,  and  we  became  quite 
endeared  to  him. 

He  lived  very  simply,  depending  upon  his  literary  work 
and  his  university  lectures  for  his  income,  as  he  received  no 
salary  as  a  member  of  the  Cortes.  When  universal  suffrage 
was  adopted,  he  declared  his  mission  at  an  end,  and  he  rarely 
afterwards  took  part  in  public  affairs,  giving  his  attention  to 
his  literary  pursuits.  At  his  death  he  had  nearly  filled  out  the 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  267 

allotted  age  of  threescore  years  and  ten.  During  his  life  he 
had  commanded  the  respect  and  pride  of  all  classes,  and  the 
Capital  honored  his  memory  with  a  funeral  of  imposing 
character. 

There  is  another  Spanish  statesman  who  cannot  be  passed 
over  without  notice.  Sigismundo  Moret  y  Prendergast  is  one 
of  the  most  advanced  of  the  Liberal  Party.  He  began  his 
public  career  as  the  associate  of  Castelar,  but  he  gave  in  his 
adhesion  to  the  monarchy  as  the  most  practical  and  surest 
method  of  securing  both  permanent  government  and  progres 
sive  principles.  He  has  represented  the  advanced  or  radical 
wing  of  the  Liberal  Party,  has  frequently  been  a  member  of 
the  Cabinet,  and  since  I  left  Spain  he  has  time  and  again  held 
the  post  of  Prime  Minister.  At  the  age  of  thirty,  while  Minis 
ter  of  the  Colonies,  he  procured  the  passage  of  the  law  which 
eventually  brought  slavery  to  an  end  in  Cuba.  He  was  one 
of  the  most  outspoken  of  the  advocates  of  universal  suffrage, 
strongly  urges  reforms  in  the  army,  and  is  an  ardent  free 
trader. 

He  is  a  man  of  commanding  presence,  six  feet  high,  with 
classical,  clean-cut  features,  quite  handsome,  of  prepossessing 
manners,  and  is  an  orator  of  superior  merit.  He  is  not  only 
listened  to  with  marked  attention  in  the  Cortes,  but  with 
eagerness  at  the  University,  where  he  lectures  to  the  students 
on  political  economy  and  history.  He  has  spent  much  time 
in  England  where  he  was  for  a  time  the  Spanish  diplomatic 
representative,  and  he  and  his  charming  family  speak  Eng 
lish  fluently,  an  accomplishment  not  usual  in  Spanish  society. 

Going  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Madrid,  I  noticed  quite  a 
contrast  in  the  personnel  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  of  the  two 
Courts.  The  importance  of  Russia  at  that  time  in  the  political 
affairs  of  Europe  led  the  Governments  to  send  to  St.  Peters 
burg  their  most  experienced  and  able  representatives.  Not 
so  much  importance  attached  to  Madrid,  for,  while  I  found 
here  diplomats  of  respectable  experience  and  ability,  none  of 


268  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

them  had  attained  international  eminence,  and  only  a  few 
of  them  afterwards  achieved  greater  distinction;  but  these 
few  are  worthy  of  notice. 

At  the  head  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  stood  the  Papal 
Nuncio,  Archbishop  Rampolla,  a  man  of  attractive  person 
ality  and  commanding  talents,  who  later  played  a  most 
important  role  at  the  Vatican.  When  he  was  yet  a  young 
man  he  had  served  as  a  councilor  to  the  Nunciature  at 
Madrid  and,  returning  as  the  Nuncio,  he  at  once  assumed 
a  distinguished  position  at  this  devoutly  Catholic  Court  and 
in  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  He  manifested  much  interest  in 
American  affairs,  was  often  at  my  house  in  Madrid,  and  with 
him  we  established  very  cordial  relations.  Referring  to  one 
of  his  visits  Mrs.  Foster,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  wrote :  "When 
I  came  home  I  found  both  of  my  girls  raving  about  the  Pope's 
Nuncio,  who  had  just  been  here  making  a  visit.  He  was 
dressed  in  lavender  gloves,  lavender  silk  stockings,  and  laven 
der  silk  lining  to  his  cloak !  They  declared  him  the  most  in 
teresting,  intelligent,  fascinating  man  they  had  ever  met,  and 
I  am  afraid  if  he  comes  often  they  may  be  wanting  to  change 
their  religion." 

He  was  created  a  cardinal  in  1885  and  recalled  to  Rome 
to  become  Secretary  of  State  to  Pope  Leo  XIII.  In  this  posi 
tion  he  manifested  his  liberal  principles  and  his  statesmanship 
by  advocating  for  the  Vatican  a  policy  towards  France  of  a 
break  with  the  monarchists  and  turning  to  the  republic  as 
representing  the  best  form  of  constitutional  government  for 
that  country.  On  the  death  of  Leo  he  was  the  most  pro 
minent  candidate  for  the  succession,  and  would  have  been 
chosen  Pope  but  for  the  opposition  of  Austria,  whose  rulers 
resented  his  French  policy.  Had  he  been  made  the  head  of 
the  Church  the  complications  with  France  which  arose  under 
Pius  X  would  doubtless  have  been  avoided.  It  has  been  well 
said  that  in  such  an  emergency  what  the  Vatican  needed  was 
not  so  much  a  saint  as  a  statesman. 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  269 

When  I  became  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Harri 
son,  one  of  the  most  cordial  letters  of  congratulation  I 
received  was  from  Cardinal  Rampolla.  The  letter  was  in 
French,  but  I  insert  a  translation  as  follows :  — 

DEAR  MR.  MINISTER,  — 

When  I  had  the  pleasure  to  reply,  officially,  to  the  kind 
communication  which  you  addressed  to  the  Holy  See  on  the 
approach  of  the  ceremonies  that  were  to  be  held  on  the  four 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  discovery  of  America,  I  should 
have  been  glad  to  add  a  word  in  private  for  the  purpose  of 
assuring  you  of  the  pleasing  remembrance  which  I  retain  of 
the  relations  which  existed  between  us  at  Madrid.  Still  I  was 
unable  to  do  this  as  soon  as  I  wished,  but  I  will  no  longer 
defer  satisfying  this  desire  of  a  heart  which  is  grateful  for  the 
many  kindnesses  that  have  been  shown  me  by  you. 

The  thought  never  entered  our  heads,  perhaps,  while  we 
were  at  Madrid,  that,  after  we  should  have  ceased  to  be  col 
leagues  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  we  should  sustain  relations 
to  each  other  as  representatives  of  our  respective  govern 
ments.  Fortunately  this  is  the  case  at  a  time  when  the  Pope 
is  manifesting  great  and  earnest  sympathy  for  the  American 
Union,  and  when  that  Union  understands  the  views  of  my 
August  Sovereign,  which  are  as  noble  as  they  are  lofty.  The 
cordial  relations  between  the  two  Ministers  cannot  therefore 
do  otherwise  than  facilitate  and  increase  the  good  under 
standing  between  them. 

I  hope,  Mr.  Minister,  that  your  health  will  continue  good, 
as  well  as  that  of  all  the  members  of  your  family,  to  whom  I 
beg  you  to  present  my  compliments,  and  to  accept  for  your 
self  the  sincere  assurances  of  the  high  consideration  with 
which  I  am  Your  Excellency's 

Most  Faithful  Servant, 

M.  CARD.  RAMPOLLA. 

ROME,  October  8th,  1892. 


270  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

As  indicating  that  the  Cardinal's  memory  of  our  acquaint 
ance  was  not  altogether  of  such  exalted  matters  as  referred 
to  in  this  letter,  he  inquired  of  a  friend  of  mine  recently, 
who  called  upon  him  in  his  retirement,  if  Mr.  Foster  was  still 
giving  as  good  dinners  as  he  used  to  serve  his  friends  in 
Madrid.  Since  the  election  of  Piux  X  he  has  withdrawn  from 
all  participation  in  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Church,  living 
in  retirement  in  one  of  the  Vatican  residences,  holding  the 
high  post  of  Archpriest  of  St.  Peter's. 

Next  to  the  Nuncio,  the  most  striking  character  in  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  was  Sir  Robert  B.  D.  Morier,  the  British 
Minister.  He  was  a  pupil  of  Jowett,  master  of  Balliol  College, 
Oxford,  and  between  them  there  existed  a  lifelong  friendship 
and  correspondence.  His  father  was  a  diplomat  before  him, 
and  he  early  entered  the  Service.  Before  coming  to  Madrid 
he  had  served  in  almost  every  Court  of  the  German  States, 
and  possessed  a  better  knowledge  of  German  politics  than 
any  other  foreigner  of  his  time.  He  established  an  intimate 
friendship  with  .the  Crown  Prince  Frederick  William,  and 
allowed  himself  to  be  involved  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
country  beyond  the  limits  of  diplomatic  prudence,  which 
brought  him  trouble  later  in  his  career. 

He  had  a  brusqueness  of  manner  and  unconventional  ways 
which  did  not  win  friends,  but  he  possessed  unusual  talents, 
was  frank,  and  thoroughly  sincere.  He  was  not  popular  in 
diplomatic  and  court  circles,  but  he  seemed  to  take  a  fancy 
to  me;  we  became  good  friends,  and  were  much  in  each 
other's  company.  His  blunt  and  straightforward  character 
led  him  to  raise  a  question  of  veracity  with  the  Spanish 
Minister  of  State,  he  became  persona  non  grata  at  Court,  and 
he  was  transferred  to  St.  Petersburg. 

While  at  the  latter  capital  he  had  his  celebrated  alterca 
tion  with  Prince  Bismarck,  who,  inspired  by  hatred  of  all  the 
friends  of  the  Crown  Prince,  charged  him  with  betraying  the 
movements  of  the  German  army  during  the  war  with  France. 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  271 

He  was  not  dismayed  by  the  attack  of  his  doughty  opponent, 
but  met  it  boldly,  and  thoroughly  vanquished  "the  man  of 
blood  and  iron."  At  that  time  Bismarck  was  out  of  favor  at 
the  Russian  Court,  and  the  controversy  gave  Morier  great 
prestige  and  influence  at  St.  Petersburg.  To  show  this  favor 
the  Czar  and  all  the  imperial  family  attended  the  next  ball 
at  the  British  Embassy.  Dr.  Andrew  D.  White,  our  Minister 
there  at  the  same  period,  complains  that  the  Russian  Govern 
ment  allowed  Sir  Robert  to  outwit  him  respecting  the  fur- 
seal  controversy.  There  is  no  doubt  the  Russian  Govern 
ment  in  that  matter  acted  in  bad  faith  towards  us,  but  the 
promotion  of  our  representative  to  the  rank  of  ambassador 
would  not  have  enabled  him,  as  he  supposed,  to  overcome 
Sir  Robert's  preponderating  influence. 

There  were  attached  to  the  British  Legation  in  Madrid  at 
this  time  two  interesting  and  promising  young  secretaries. 
Maurice  de  Bunsen  came  of  a  diplomatic  ancestry  and  has 
since  held  prominent  posts  under  his  Government.  Arthur 
Hardinge,  who  was  given  the  sobriquet  of  el  Sabio  (the  wise 
one)  by  his  colleagues,  was  my  companion  in  our  sojourn  at 
La  Granja  in  attendance  on  the  Court,  and  where  we  had 
little  else  to  do  but  wander  about  over  the  mountain-sides 
or  in  the  quaint  places  of  near-by  Segovia.  He  became  a 
great  Oriental  scholar,  accompanied  the  present  Emperor 
of  Russia  on  his  tour  through  India,  has  held  the  post  of 
Resident  at  Zanzibar,  succeeded  Sir  Mortimer  Durand  as 
Minister  at  Teheran,  and  has  since  been  promoted  to  higher 
diplomatic  employment. 

Another  difference  which  existed  between  the  Courts  of 
St.  Petersburg  and  Madrid  was  the  larger  representation  of 
diplomats  at  the  latter  from  the  Latin-American  countries, 
almost  all  of  them  being  represented.  Chief  among  these 
was  General  Ramon  Corona,  the  Minister  from  Mexico.  He 
had  been  appointed  to  his  post  while  I  was  Minister  in  his 
country,  and  before  leaving  for  Madrid  I  had  the  pleasure 


272  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

of  giving  him  and  his  attractive  American  wife  a  dinner, 
attended  by  the  Mexican  President  and  Cabinet. 

During  my  residence  in  Madrid,  General  Corona  was  the 
victim  of  a  disagreeable  incident  which  recalled  the  fateful 
history  of  the  Maximilian  Empire  in  Mexico.  On  the  King's 
birthday  in  December,  1883,  a  reception  was  held  in  the 
Royal  Palace  as  usual.  Following  the  established  practice, 
the  King  and  Queen,  with  the  infantas,  descended  from  the 
royal  dais  to  hold  a  brief  conversation  with  the  heads  of 
missions,  ranged  in  front  of  the  dais.  First  in  order  stood 
the  Nuncio.  After  talking  with  him,  the  Queen  addressed  the 
French  Ambassador  and  also  conversed  with  some  attache's 
of  the  Embassy,  presented  by  the  Ambassador.  Next  in 
order  was  General  Corona.  Without  exchanging  a  single 
word  with  him,  and  with  the  faintest  movement  of  the  head, 
she  passed  on  and  entered  into  conversation  with  the  Italian 
Minister  who  stood  next,  and  she  likewise  conversed  with 
every  other  head  of  mission.  The  slight  was  observed  by  the 
whole  corps. 

On  a  previous  occasion  at  the  Palace,  the  King  noticed 
the  absence  of  recognition  on  the  part  of  the  Queen,  and, 
supposing  she  did  not  know  him,  the  King  asked  the  Queen 
in  his  presence  and  hearing  if  she  did  not  know  General 
Corona.  She  very  promptly  and  with  considerable  spirit 
replied,  "No,  I  do  not  know  General  Corona;  I  only  know 
the  Minister  of  Mexico,"  and  passed  on.  This  incident  was 
not  at  an  official  reception  and  not  seen  by  the  Diplomatic 
Corps,  but  the  last  action  was  of  such  a  public  and  marked 
character,  General  Corona  decided  to  bring  it  to  the  attention 
of  the  Minister  of  State,  which  he  did  in  a  personal  interview. 
In  doing  so  he  said  it  was  barely  possible  the  Queen  may  have 
been  prejudiced  against  him  personally  by  false  and  male 
volent  reports. 

The  Minister  of  State  said  the  subject  was  of  too  personal 
and  delicate  a  character  for  him  to  take  any  action  respecting 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  273 

it.  Whereupon  General  Corona  told  him  that  his  duty  to  his 
Government  required  that  he  should  not  in  future  expose 
himself  to  such  public  affronts,  and  that  until  he  received 
some  indication  that  the  omission  of  the  Queen  was  not  in 
tentional  or  he  received  other  instructions  from  his  Govern 
ment,  he  would  be  compelled  to  decline  further  invitations 
to  the  Palace,  stating  in  his  note  of  declination  that  it  was 
"for  reasons  communicated  to  the  Minister  of  State." 

General  Corona  took  part  in  the  siege  of  Queretaro,  and  the 
Archduke  Maximilian,  the  uncle  of  the  Queen  of  Spain,  was 
made  prisoner  by  the  troops  of  his  command.  Maximilian 
was  treated  by  Corona  with  the  greatest  consideration,  he 
declining  to  receive  the  tender  of  his  sword,  and  sending  him 
with  a  high  officer  to  the  commanding  general.  Immediately 
after  the  surrender  he  marched  his  division  to  another  part 
of  the  republic,  and  took  no  part  in  the  trial  and  execution  of 
Maximilian. 

The  month  following  the  scene  at  the  Palace  above  de 
scribed  a  new  Ministry  came  into  office,  and  on  being  again 
invited  to  the  Palace,  General  Corona  sent  his  declination  in 
the  terms  indicated.  On  the  next  day  the  new  Minister  of 
State  called  on  him  and  said  he  had  held  an  interview  with 
the  King,  who  explained  that  the  Queen  thought  he  had 
acted  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  court  which  had  con 
demned  her  uncle  to  death.  The  King  added  that  he  hoped 
General  Corona  would  attend  the  reception,  and  that  the 
Queen  would  be  happy  to  receive  and  treat  him  as  the  other 
representatives  of  foreign  nations.  General  Corona  attended 
the  reception,  and  the  Queen  was  quite  gracious  in  her  in 
tercourse  with  him.  The  same  spirit  of  resentment  was 
for  a  time  manifested  by  Austrian  representatives  at  other 
capitals  to  their  Mexican  colleagues,  but  since  diplomatic 
relations  have  been  renewed  between  the  two  countries  the 
execution  of  Maximilian  has  ceased  to  be  an  element  of 
discord. 


274  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

The  Spanish  Minister  to  the  United  States  at  the  time  of 
my  appointment  was  Sefior  Barca,  an  accomplished  gentle 
man,  of  diplomatic  experience,  and  quite  popular  in  Wash 
ington.  Diplomatic  circles  and  society  were  greatly  shocked 
to  learn  that  he  had  committed  suicide  in  a  New  York  hotel. 
The  deed  was  instigated,  it  is  understood,  by  the  fact  that  he 
had  been  privately  recalled  by  his  Government  on  account 
of  some  charges  against  him  at  home  which  were  never  made 
public.  Some  years  before,  he  had  rendered  an  important 
service  to  the  United  States,  while  Under-Secretary  of  State, 
in  being  instrumental  in  the  arrest  and  return  to  New  York 
of  "Boss"  Tweed,  who  had  fled  to  Spain.  No  extradition 
treaty  existed  between  the  two  countries,  but  it  was  quietly 
arranged  that  the  refugee  should  be  placed  on  board  an 
American  man-of-war  which  conveniently  put  in  at  a  Spanish 
port. 

Sefior  Barca  was  succeeded  at  Washington  by  Juan 
Valera,  who  was  best  known  as  a  writer,  being  the  most  pop 
ular  living  novelist  of  Spain  and  with  some  reputation  as  a 
poet.  He  was  not  without  political  and  diplomatic  experi 
ence,  as  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  he  held  the  office  of 
Senator  and  had  recently  retired  from  the  post  of  Minister  to 
Portugal.  A  few  months  before  his  appointment  to  the 
United  States  he  had  been  called  home  from  Lisbon  to  cast 
his  vote  in  the  Senate  to  sustain  the  Ministry  in  a  crisis, 
which  he  resented  and  resigned.  The  new  Ministry  rewarded 
his  independence  with  the  mission  to  Washington. 

Those  who  knew  him  well  at  home  predicted  that  he  would 
not  make  a  successful  Minister,  as  he  did  not  have  the  dis 
position  or  business  capacity  to  master  the  intricate  and 
annoying  questions  involved  in  our  relations  with  Cuba, 
notwithstanding  his  social  gifts  and  his  literary  talents.  The 
prediction  proved  correct,  as  he  found  the  harassing  affairs 
of  Cuba  irksome,  he  wearied  of  his  duties,  and  after  a  short 
sojourn  tendered  his  resignation.  In  writing  home  of  the  dis- 


DIPLOMATS  AT  MADRID  275 

comforts  he  suffered  in  America,  he  especially  complained  of 
the  cooking  as  wretched.  Members  of  our  Legation  who  were 
familiar  with  the  cuisine  of  Spanish  hotels,  suggested  that  he 
had  probably  failed  to  take  with  him  a  full  supply  of  rancid 
oil. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

SPAIN,    SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL 

OF  all  the  countries  of  my  foreign  residence,  I  found  Spain 
the  most  interesting  from  almost  every  point  of  view.  From 
the  earliest  dawn  of  European  history  down  through  the 
ages  it  has  maintained  this  interest.  It  seems  quite  certain 
that  it  attracted  the  attention  of  the  fleets  of  Solomon  and 
his  Hebrew  merchants.  It  was  an  object  of  interest  to  the 
Phoenician  traders  and  pirates.  The  early  Greeks  peopled  its 
shores.  The  Carthaginians  covered  it  with  colonies.  It  was 
the  route  through  which  Hannibal  and  his  vast  armies  made 
their  descent  upon  Italy,  in  the  life-and-death  struggle  with 
Rome  for  supremacy  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  many  traces 
of  their  presence  are  still  seen  in  the  Peninsula. 

Under  the  sway  of  the  Romans  it  became  one  of  the  fairest 
and  most  prosperous  portions  of  the  globe.  The  Apostle 
Paul,  in  his  great  desire  to  see  Spain,  planned  for  it  one  of 
his  missionary  journeys,  and  the  Apostle  James,  according 
to  Catholic  tradition,  carried  to  it  Christianity,  became  its 
patron  saint,  and  his  bones  now  rest  in  one  of  its  cathedrals. 
It  was  the  birthplace  of  the  Emperor  Trajan,  the  famous 
imperial  builder,  and  Roman  roads,  aqueducts,  bridges,  and 
ruined  cities  still  attest  its  glory  at  that  period.  The  suc 
cessors  of  Rome,  the  Goths,  have  given  us  some  of  its  most 
magnificent  architecture.  The  evidence  of  the  Moorish  occu 
pation  is  seen  in  the  beauties  of  Cordova,  Granada,  and  other 
southern  cities.  The  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  the 
Catholic,  the  great  act  of  Columbus,  and  the  achievements  of 
Spanish  arms  both  in  America  and  Europe,  in  the  golden  age 
of  this  people,  lend  a  unique  charm  to  the  Peninsula.  The 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  277 

wars  of  the  Spanish  Succession  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  the  Spanish  Marriage,  of  the  nineteenth,  with  the  mo 
mentous  consequences  of  the  Franco-German  War,  illustrate 
the  intense  interest  which  Spanish  politics  awaken  in  other 
countries.  Added  to  these  its  art  treasures,  the  attractive 
characteristics  of  its  people,  and  its  beauties  of  nature,  pre 
sent  to  the  foreigner  a  country  unsurpassed  in  its  objects  of 
interest. 

Madrid,  like  St.  Petersburg,  is  a  capital  built  to  order,  to 
serve  political  purposes.  As  the  latter  by  the  indomitable  will 
of  Peter  was  planted  upon  a  swamp,  to  enable  him  to  have  a 
freer  outlet  to  the  ocean,  so  it  was  decreed  in  the  later  years 
of  Spanish  history  that  on  the  barren  upland  of  New  Castile, 
with  its  unattractive  features,  should  be  built  the  capital  of 
the  nation  because  it  was  its  geographical  centre.  Here  in  the 
midst  of  a  dreary  waste  was  established  the  royal  residence, 
despite  the  fact  that  the  country  possessed  scores  of  very  fit 
ting  localities  for  such  a  purpose.  Up  to  recent  years  Madrid 
could  boast  of  few  architectural  features  beyond  the  Royal 
Palace,  which  though  not  among  the  largest  is  one  of  the 
most  attractive  in  Europe.  But  Madrid  has  shared  in  recent 
years  in  the  growth  and  improvement  of  European  capitals. 
The  population  has  largely  increased,  new  and  pretentious 
public  buildings  have  been  erected,  elegant  private  palaces 
have  multiplied,  the  avenues  and  drives  have  been  beauti 
fied  and  extended,  and  it  is  coming  to  be  a  really  showy  city. 

Society  in  Madrid  in  my  day  could  hardly  be  called  bril 
liant,  compared  with  St.  Petersburg  or  other  northern  cities 
of  the  Continent.  Dinner-giving  was  not  common,  except  in 
the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Public  banquets  occurred  at  intervals, 
with  much  after-dinner  oratory.  Once  or  twice  in  a  season 
there  was  a  grand  ball  or  fancy-dress  party  in  the  palace  of 
some  of  the  grandees,  but  as  a  rule  the  majority  of  the  nobil 
ity  of  Spain  were  largely  reduced  in  their  fortunes,  and  could 
not  afford  much  extravagance  in  living.  There  were  a  few 


278  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

dinners,  balls,  and  receptions  in  the  Royal  Palace  —  the 
first  very  perfectly  served  but  quite  formal,  the  second  dis 
tinguished  by  elegant  toilettes  and,  it  is  claimed,  the  finest 
display  of  jewels  to  be  seen  in  Europe,  and  the  third  very 
tiresome  and  stupid  affairs ;  but  that  is  the  usual  character 
istic  of  such  affairs  elsewhere. 

The  great  feature  of  Spanish  society  is  the  paseo,  or  public 
drive,  where  in  the  late  afternoon  the  fashionable  population 
assemble  in  carriages,  on  horseback,  or  on  foot,  to  see  each 
other  and  exchange  salutations.  The  Retiro  of  Madrid  is  not 
so  extensive  or  so  highly  adorned  as  the  Bois  de  Boulogne, 
Hyde  Park,  or  the  Island  Park  of  St.  Petersburg,  but  it  is 
superior  to  them  all  as  a  fashionable  outdoor  resort.  Here 
were  gathered  every  afternoon  hundreds  of  gay  equipages, 
and  on  festal  days  even  thousands  of  carriages,  which  made 
the  round  of  the  somewhat  contracted  drive  at  such  a  slow 
gait  that  the  occupants  were  able  to  salute  each  other,  or  to 
draw  up  at  the  roadside  and  converse  with  their  friends 
among  the  strollers  on  the  walks.  Added  interest  was  given 
by  the  quite  regular  attendance  of  the  King  and  Queen  and 
the  Infantas,  with  their  gay  equipages  and  escorts. 

While,  as  I  have  said,  dinners  and  grand  balls  are  not  fre 
quent,  there  is  a  feature  of  Madrid  society  quite  unique  in  its 
way.  The  tertulias  are  the  special  charm  of  the  fashionable 
circles  of  the  Capital,  when  various  of  the  noble  or  wealthy 
families  are  at  home  on  certain  evenings  to  their  friends,  and 
when  the  social  and  political  world  gathers  to  gossip  and  pass 
a  pleasant  hour.  They  are  usually  too  frivolous  to  resemble 
the  French  salon,  and  they  are  enlivened  by  choice  music  and 
by  dancing  if  the  company  feel  so  inclined.  They  afford, 
also,  an  opportunity  for  the  young  people  to  come  together 
and  enjoy  themselves,  under  the  eyes  of  their  elders  —  a 
great  privilege  in  a  country  where  the  intercourse  of  the 
young  men  and  women  is  under  strict  surveillance. 

In  these  evening  parties,  although  the  majority  of  the 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  279 

company  may  have  a  knowledge  of  French,  Spanish  is  almost 
invariably  used  in  conversation,  a  practice  quite  in  contrast 
with  the  society  of  St.  Petersburg,  where  French  is  the  com 
mon  method  of  intercourse.  The  Spanish  race  are  quite 
proud  of  their  language  and  are  pleased  to  hear  it  used  by 
foreigners.  American  Ministers  as  a  rule  have  had  no  know 
ledge  of  the  language  and  have  found  themselves  much 
handicapped  for  lack  of  it.  Caleb  Gushing  and  James  Russell 
Lowell  were  exceptions  to  this  rule. 

Early  in  my  residence  an  incident  occurred  which  im 
pressed  me  with  the  great  gratification  with  which  the 
Spaniards  hear  their  language  used  by  foreigners.  The  anni 
versary  of  the  discovery  of  America  was  observed  with  unus 
ual  pomp  by  a  great  banquet  in  one  of  the  theatres.  The 
entire  body  of  the  great  house  was  filled  with  banqueters 
presided  over  by  the  Prime  Minister,  and  the  galleries  were 
crowded  with  the  ladies  of  high  society  in  gala  dress.  I  was 
called  upon  to  respond  to  the  toast  in  honor  of  Columbus, 
which  I  did  in  some  rather  commonplace  phrases.  But  they 
were  spoken  in  Spanish,  and  as  I  took  my  seat,  or  attempted 
to  do  so,  I  was  greeted  with  an  immense  ovation  from  the 
galleries,  and  from  the  floor  I  was  literally  assaulted  by  an 
enthusiastic  mob  of  admirers  intent  on  giving  me  the  Span 
ish  embrace  in  appreciation  of  my  little  speech.  I  was 
thenceforth  a  noted  personage  at  banquets  in  the  Capital. 

The  most  distinctively  national  feature  of  Spanish  life  is 
the  bull-fight.  It  is  inaugurated  annually  on  Easter  Sunday, 
and  is  continued  weekly  on  Sundays  throughout  the  summer. 
It  also  takes  place  on  the  great  feast-days  of  the  Church 
when  they  occur  on  other  days.  If  a  foreign  monarch,  prince, 
or  other  great  personage  visits  the  Capital,  a  bull-fight  is  ten 
dered  in  his  honor.  It  is  the  national  sport,  and  to  it  the 
people,  high  and  low,  are  most  devotedly  attached.  It  is 
related  that  when  Joseph  Bonaparte  reached  the  Capital  to 
assume  the  government  as  king,  the  great  question  which 


280  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

agitated  the  people  was,  not  what  would  be  his  political 
policy,  but  whether  he  would  allow  or  suppress  the  bull 
fights. 

I  had  seen  the  so-called  sport  once  only  in  Mexico,  but  I 
was  told  that  alone  in  Madrid  could  it  be  seen  in  its  genuine 
splendor,  and  I  visited  the  spectacle  once  again  to  satisfy  my 
curiosity,  or  (might  I  be  permitted  to  say?)  to  study  the 
institutions  of  the  country.  To  me  it  was  cruel  and  repulsive, 
and  I  had  no  desire  to  repeat  the  visit. 

On  the  day  the  fiesta  occurs  Madrid  is  all  excitement.  As 
the  hour  approaches,  the  streets  leading  to  the  amphitheatre 
are  thronged  with  all  manner  of  vehicles  and  people  on  foot, 
and  as  the  game  progresses,  extra  editions  of  the  newspapers 
are  issued  at  frequent  intervals,  giving  minute  details  of  the 
contest  with  each  bull. 

As  indicating  the  anxiety  of  the  population  to  secure 
tickets  of  admission  to  the  fight,  I  give  the  following  press 
statement  of  the  sale  of  tickets  which  occurred  during  my 
residence,  the  record  of  an  experience  happening  frequently. 
On  the  afternoon  of  one  day  before  the  performance,  the  line 
of  applicants  for  tickets  began  to  form,  the  office  for  sale  of 
tickets  not  to  be  opened  till  the  next  morning.  At  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  there  were  two  thousand  persons 
standing  in  line,  and  at  six  there  were  three  thousand  in  line. 
At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  office  was  opened, 
a  notice  was  posted  that  the  plaza  contained  12,565  seats,  and 
that,  after  deducting  those  reserved  for  permanent  ticket- 
holders  and  officials,  there  were  available  for  sale  4662  seats. 
It  thus  became  apparent  that  only  a  part  of  those  in  line 
could  obtain  tickets,  and  a  struggle  for  preferred  places 
began,  which  grew  into  a  riot  beyond  the  control  of  the 
police,  and  order  was  only  restored  by  a  large  detachment  of 
cavalry,  which  had  to  charge  the  crowd  with  drawn  swords. 
A  large  portion  of  those  in  waiting  had  to  depart  without 
tickets,  some  of  whom  had  been  in  line  for  twenty-four  hours. 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  281 

Another  incident  of  the  same  period  illustrates  the  in 
tensity  of  devotion  to  the  national  pastime.  On  account  of 
the  cholera  scourge,  which  was  so  destructive  in  many  parts 
of  Spain  in  1885,  of  which  I  shall  give  an  account  later,  the 
governor  of  Toledo  issued  an  order  to  suspend  the  bull-fights 
in  one  of  the  towns  in  his  jurisdiction  because  of  the  viru 
lence  there  of  the  pestilence.  Two  nights  before  the  day  when 
the  performance  usually  took  place,  the  whole  population 
turned  out,  and  waited  upon  the  town  council,  petitioning 
to  allow  it  to  be  held.  The  answer  given  through  the  alcalde 
was  that  the  council  had  no  authority  to  take  the  action  de 
manded,  and  they  would  have  to  send  their  petition  to  the 
higher  authorities.  This  so  angered  the  crowd  that  they 
attacked  the  town-hall  with  stones,  severely  wounding  sev 
eral  of  the  police  and  the  village  priest  who  sought  to  quell 
the  disturbance.  The  next  day  they  broke  into  the  corral 
of  a  cattle-raiser,  carried  away  a  drove  of  cattle,  kept  them 
overnight,  and  the  next  day  held  their  bull-fight,  in  spite  of 
the  authorities  and  of  the  terrible  epidemic  which  was 
decimating  the  community. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  in  Spain  the  whole  nation  was 
thrown  into  a  great  state  of  excitement  by  three  successive 
attempts  at  revolution,  which  occurred  almost  simultane 
ously  in  different  and  widely  separated  parts  of  the  country. 
I  was  at  La  Granja  at  the  time,  in  attendance  on  the  King 
and  Court  on  their  summer  vacation.  The  Prime  Minister, 
Sagasta,  was  at  a  French  watering-place,  and  the  other  mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet  were  widely  scattered.  The  King  on 
receipt  of  the  news  rushed  off  to  Madrid,  to  which  place  the 
Ministry  was  hastily  summoned.  In  the  court  and  diplo 
matic  circles  all  the  conversation  was  about  the  revolutionary 
movements,  and  many  wild  rumors  were  put  in  circulation. 
These  events  carried  me  back  in  memory  to  my  experiences 
in  Mexico,  which  had  been  the  land  of  pronunciamentos,  but 
it  seemed  the  mother  country  had  become  an  apt  scholar. 


282  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

These  movements  appeared  to  have  been  concerted  by 
Ruiz  Zorrilla,  a  Republican  leader  then  in  exile.  But  just 
as  the  whole  country  was  being  thrown  into  consternation, 
public  funds  threatened  with  a  panic,  and  the  Government 
had  taken  every  precaution  and  set  on  foot  measures  to 
resist  a  widespread  and  formidable  revolution,  the  move 
ment  was  found  to  be  a  miserable  failure.  It  was  not  re 
sponded  to  in  any  of  the  strong  republican  localities,  and 
Castelar  and  other  prominent  leaders  of  the  party  declared 
against  a  change  of  government  by  force  of  arms.  In  my 
report  of  these  events  to  the  Department  of  State,  I  wrote : 
"  During  the  eight  years'  reign  of  Alfonso  XII,  the  country 
has  enjoyed  an  unprecedented  era  of  prosperity  and  ad 
vancement,  and  no  inconsiderable  share  of  the  credit  for  this 
happy  state  of  affairs  is  due  to  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of 
the  young  King  himself.  He  has  steadily  shown  thus  far  a 
tendency  towards  liberal  and  progressive  principles  and 
practices  of  government,  which  has  had  a  marked  influence 
in  reconciling  the  commercial,  industrial,  and  property  inter 
ests  of  the  country  to  his  reign ;  and  it  would  prove  a  public 
calamity  of  no  ordinary  moment  to  Spain,  if  the  premature 
and  futile  attempts  of  extreme  republicans  should  lead  him 
to  reverse  his  policy  and  throw  himself  into  the  hands  of  the 
Conservative  and  retrograde  elements  of  the  country." 

Political  parties  in  Spain  are  quite  complex  in  their  com 
position  and  their  distinctive  principles  are  not  easily 
defined,  but  in  general  terms  they  may  be  divided  into  Con 
servatives,  Liberals,  and  Republicans.  From  time  to  time 
they  undergo  some  transformation,  as  old  issues  give  place 
to  new  ones.  During  my  residence  in  the  country  the  Con 
servatives  embraced  the  greater  portion  of  the  elements 
instrumental  in  reestablishing  the  Bourbon  dynasty  by 
placing  the  young  King  Alfonso  XII  on  the  throne,  and  to 
them  were  added  such  former  adherents  of  Don  Carlos  as 
took  any  part  in  public  affairs.  Under  the  administration  of 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  283 

this  party  the  Constitution  of  1876,  still  in  force,  was 
framed.  In  its  ranks  were  to  be  found  the  extreme  royalr 
ists  and  partisans  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Church  of 
Rome. 

The  Liberal  party  claimed  to  be  distinctively  and  uncom 
promisingly  monarchical  and  loyal  to  the  Bourbon  dynasty, 
but  it  sought  to  harmonize  these  conditions  with  the  pro 
gressive  and  liberal  tendencies  of  European  governments. 
Among  the  measures  which  it  proposed  to  the  nation  was  (1) 
a  law  establishing  civil  marriage,  (2)  a  law  of  associations  and 
public  meetings,  (3)  establishment  of  the  jury  system,  (4) 
reform  of  the  penal  code,  in  order  more  fully  to  protect  indi 
vidual  rights,  and  regulate  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  (5) 
enlargement  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  Some  of  these  measures 
have  been  adopted  by  the  country  in  later  years,  the  elective 
franchise  especially  being  greatly  enlarged.  During  my  re 
sidence  in  Madrid  the  population  numbered  about  400,000, 
but  the  registry  contained  only  12,000  voters,  of  whom  a 
large  number  were  stipendiaries  of  the  Government. 

The  Republicans  represent  a  large  minority  in  most  of  the 
cities  and  manufacturing  centres,  they  are  an  important 
factor  in  the  elections,  and  a  small  number  of  their  party  are 
always  chosen  to  the  Cortes.  But  they  exercise  very  little 
direct  influence  in  legislative  affairs,  because  of  their  internal 
differences,  being  divided  into  at  least  three  distinct  sections 
with  opposing  details  of  policy,  and  with  no  concert  of  action 
among  themselves.  Many  real  Republicans  are  found  in  the 
Liberal  party,  they  regarding  it  as  the  best  medium  of  pro 
moting  republican  principles. 

Party  lines  are  not  very  closely  observed  and  they  often 
overlap  each  other.  Conservatives  of  the  milder  type  find 
little  difficulty  in  transferring  their  allegiance  to  the  Liberal 
leaders  on  certain  questions,  and  the  Liberal  party  has  vari 
ous  groups  which  often  become  antagonistic  to  each  other. 
Even  the  Republicans  are  sometimes  found  voting  with  the 


284  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Conservatives  to  overthrow  the  Liberals.  These  unstable 
conditions  explain  the  frequent  and  sometimes  sudden 
changes  of  ministries. 

The  party  in  power  always  carried  the  elections  in  my  day, 
and  though  the  manipulation  of  the  registry  had  its  official 
constraint  it  managed  to  return  a  large  majority  to  the 
Cortes.  But  in  the  course  of  time  disintegration  in  the  ranks 
began,  and  by  a  combination  of  the  opposite  party  and  the 
disaffected  elements  of  the  ruling  administration  some  fine 
day  the  latter  found  itself  outvoted  in  the  Cortes,  the  op 
posite  party  came  to  power,  ordered  an  election,  and  had 
a  triumphant  majority  in  the  new  Cortes. 

I  have  mentioned  the  creation  of  the  extreme  Liberal 
Ministry  of  Posada  Herrera,  under  which  I  was  enabled  to 
take  my  first  successful  step  towards  the  reciprocity  treaty. 
It  was  formed  out  of  the  Liberal  party,  of  which  Sagasta  was 
the  leader.  Only  a  few  months  sufficed  to  have  it  outvoted 
in  the  Cortes.  The  defeated  Ministry  tendered  its  resignation. 
The  King  asked  it  to  continue  in  office,  offering  to  dissolve 
the  Cortes  and  call  a  new  election.  There  would  probably 
have  been  no  difficulty  in  carrying  the  election,  as  usual,  but 
an  unexpected  obstacle  was  encountered.  Senor  Moret,  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  whose  department  had  charge  of  the 
election  machinery,  was  a  thoroughly  conscientious  man, 
and  refused  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  carrying  out  the 
existing  campaign  practice,  and  the  Ministry  had  no  choice 
but  to  insist  upon  its  resignation. 

The  Conservatives  came  into  power  again,  and  as  soon  as 
the  Cabinet  was  organized  governors  were  appointed  for  the 
forty-nine  provinces  of  Spain  from  among  the  politicians 
then  in  Madrid,  belonging  to  the  Conservative  party,  and 
they  left  at  once  for  their  respective  districts  to  assume 
charge  of  their  offices  and  to  prepare  for  the  coming  elec 
tion.  In  the  Cortes  just  dissolved,  out  of  a  poll  of  347 
deputies  there  were  only  44  Conservative  votes;  but  the 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  285 

Ministry  was  sustained  in  the  next  Cortes,  with  an  over 
whelming  majority. 

The  Ministers  are  required  to  be  members  of  the  Cortes, 
but  the  British  practice  does  not  prevail  which  compels  a 
member  on  his  appointment  to  the  Ministry  to  have  his  ap 
pointment  confirmed  by  a  new  election.  A  Minister  can  take 
part  in  the  proceedings  of  both  houses,  but  he  can  only  vote 
in  the  body  of  which  he  is  a  member.  Cabinet  members  upon 
retirement  from  office  receive  fifteen  hundred  dollars  per 
year  during  their  lives,  and  with  the  frequent  changes  of 
ministries  this  becomes  a  serious  charge  upon  the  treasury. 
A  peculiar  practice  of  Spanish  ministries  was  that  of  the 
transaction  of  business  at  late  hours  of  the  night.  It  was 
quite  usual  for  the  Cabinet  Ministers  to  go  to  their  depart 
ments  after  dinner,  or  even  after  the  theatre  or  opera.  The 
Minister  of  State  received  the  diplomatic  representatives  in 
the  afternoon,  but  occasionally  in  that  department  I  had 
appointments  for  an  hour  after  dinner.  I  had  frequent  occa 
sions  to  go  to  the  Department  of  the  Colonies  and  of  the 
Interior,  and  when  I  asked  for  an  appointment  with  the 
Ministers  it  was  generally  fixed  for  ten  o'clock  at  night,  and 
sometimes  later. 

Prince  Hohenlohe,  German  Chancellor,  went  to  Madrid  in 
1885  to  represent  the  Emperor  at  the  funeral  of  Alfonso  XII. 
After  a  few  days'  stay  in  the  Capital  he  records  in  his  "Me 
moirs"  his  impressions  of  Spanish  politics,  after  a  dinner  at 
the  German  Embassy,  when  the  subject  was  discussed  with 
the  German  and  Austrian  Ministers  and  other  members  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps.  The  entry  in  his  diary  is  as  follows :  "It 
appears  that  here  everything  depends  on  satisfying  some 
hundred  thousand  Spaniards  of  the  cultivated  classes  in  pro 
viding  them  with  places  and  opportunities  of  making  money. 
The  people  seem  indifferent.  The  proof  is  that  the  present 
Government  has  all  the  votes  in  its  own  hands,  and  will 
itself  take  care  that  a  certain  number  of  Opposition  members 


286  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

are  also  elected.  The  whole  thing  is  a  system  of  exploitation 
of  the  most  abominable  kind,  a  caricature  of  constitutional 
ism,  phrases,  and  thievery." 

This  is  just  such  an  opinion  as  is  likely  to  be  formed  by 
even  an  experienced  statesman,  who  spends  but  a  few  days 
in  Madrid  and  listens  to  the  gossip  and  criticism  in  diplo 
matic  after-dinner  circles,  but  it  is  hardly  a  correct  state 
ment  of  Spanish  politics.  There  are  doubtless  many  useless 
officials  in  the  departments,  and  the  elections  are  largely 
controlled  by  the  party  in  power ;  but  there  is  no  wholesale 
change  of  the  subordinate  officials  on  the  advent  of  a  new 
Ministry ;  public  opinion  is  often  expressed  in  the  elections ; 
and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  are  almost  uniformly  men 
of  high  character  and  integrity.  The  two  party  leaders,  who 
were  almost  continuously  and  alternately  at  the  head  of  the 
Government,  lived  very  plainly ;  Sagasta  died  a  poor  man, 
and  Canovas  only  enjoyed  wealth  in  the  last  few  years  of  his 
life  through  a  rich  wife. 

While  the  lower  house  of  the  Cortes,  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  is  elective,  and  usually  changes  with  each  new 
Ministry,  the  Senate  is  a  much  more  stable  body.  It  is  made 
up  of  three  approximately  equal  elements  —  first,  those  who 
hold  seats  in  their  own  right,  as  certain  of  the  hereditary 
nobility,  archbishops,  field-marshals,  etc. ;  second,  life  mem 
bers  appointed  by  the  Crown;  and,  third,  elective  members 
chosen  for  ten  years  by  corporations  of  the  State,  namely, 
the  Council  of  State,  the  judiciary,  universities,  bar  and 
medical  associations,  etc.  The  Senate  is  seldom  an  obstruc 
tion  to  legislation,  as  it  usually  follows  the  action  of  the 
Deputies. 

The  grandees,  to  entitle  them  to  seats,  must  show  that 
they  possess  an  income  of  not  less  than  twelve  thousand 
dollars  and  pay  certain  fees.  Many  of  them,  in  their  impover 
ished  condition,  cannot  show  such  an  income  or  are  not  will 
ing  to  pay  the  heavy  fees,  and  hence  do  not  qualify.  My 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  287 

attention  was  attracted  to  the  comparatively  slight  influence 
exercised  upon  the  politics  of  the  nation  by  the  Spanish 
nobility,  who  in  the  palmy  days  of  the  Peninsula  were  the 
great  bulwark  of  the  throne.  In  the  ministries  of  my  time 
there  were  few  grandees  to  be  found,  and  in  none  of  them  did 
the  nobility  exercise  a  commanding  influence. 

The  opening  of  the  first  session  of  the  Cortes  is  quite  a 
brilliant  affair  and  attracts  general  attention.  The  King  and 
Queen  and  the  Infantas,  accompanied  by  the  court  ladies, 
go  from  the  palace  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in  antique 
state  carriages,  each  drawn  by  six  white  horses,  and  escorted 
by  a  detachment  of  cavalry,  the  streets  through  which  they 
pass  being  lined  with  masses  of  people.  The  Diplomatic 
Corps  are  invited  to  attend  in  uniform,  the  ladies  in  court 
dresses,  with  white  mantillas  over  their  heads,  and  a  tribune 
is  provided  for  them  adjoining  the  Throne.  Every  seat  in  the 
chamber  is  occupied  and  the  galleries  are  crowded  with  the 
elite  of  Spanish  society.  The  King  and  Queen  are  seated  on 
the  royal  dais  and  the  Infantas  below  them,  supported  by 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  the  court  ladies.  The  prin 
cipal  ceremony  is  the  reading  by  the  King  of  the  speech  pre 
pared  for  him  by  the  Ministry.  Altogether  it  constitutes  one 
of  the  most  attractive  monarchical  pageants  to  be  seen  in 
Europe. 

The  newspapers  of  Madrid  exercised  an  important  influ 
ence  upon  public  affairs.  They  were  quite  numerous  and 
represented  all  shades  of  political  sentiment.  In  my  time 
telegraphic  news  was  very  limited,  but  they  were  ably  edited, 
and  much  attention  was  given  to  the  debates  in  the  Cortes 
and  to  political  questions.  The  Government  possessed  the 
power  of  a  severe  censorship,  but  it  was  seldom  enforced,  and 
the  liberty  of  discussion  was  freely  exercised.  A  specialty 
of  the  Capital  were  the  comic  papers,  which  often  contained 
excellent  cartoons,  generally  of  a  political  nature.  Long 
before  they  became  common  in  the  United  States  the  Span- 


288  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS] 

ish  papers  were  producing  cartoons,  and  no  one  prominent 
in  public  life  long  escaped  their  notice. 

During  the  turbulent  times  of  Isabella,  and  up  to  the 
reestablishment  of  the  monarchy  under  Alfonso  XII,  the 
army  was  the  principal  root  or  instrument  of  the  troubles 
of  Spain ;  and  revolutionary  movements  during  my  residence, 
to  which  I  have  referred,  all  had  their  origin  in  the  army. 
Its  reorganization  was  recognized  by  all  intelligent  states 
men  as  a  pressing  necessity,  but  even  the  most  liberal  min 
istries  have  found  it  a  very  difficult  problem.  And,  besides, 
it  did  not  as  a  rule  suit  their  purposes  to  effect  any  great 
reform,  as  it  was  through  the  army  they  in  large  measure 
manipulated  the  elections.  Through  the  army  also  all 
important  changes  of  government  have  been  brought  about. 

In  my  day  the  Spanish  army  numbered  about  75,000  men, 
but  it  had  more  generals  than  Germany  or  France.  The  sta 
tistics  of  that  time  showed  a  total  of  20,500  officers.  There 
was  a  captain-general  for  every  11,000  soldiers  including 
non-commissioned  officers,  one  lieutenant-general  for  every 
1000,  a  major-general  for  693,  a  brigadier-general  for  271,  a 
colonel  for  195,  lieutenant-colonel  for  99,  major  for  42,  cap 
tain  for  18,  lieutenant  for  15,  ensign  for  6.  These  figures 
alone  were  a  sufficient  justification  for  the  demand  of  Liberal 
statesmen  for  a  reform  of  the  army,  without  the  necessity 
of  a  reference  to  the  deplorable  history  of  the  country  in 
recent  times  occasioned  by  it. 

The  religious  question  has  always  played  an  important 
part  in  Spanish  politics.  Since  the  extermination  of  the  Pro 
testants  by  the  Inquisition  under  Philip  II,  the  country  has 
remained  almost  wholly  Catholic,  and  has  been  one  of  the 
most  devoted  adherents  of  the  Pope  and  his  temporal  power. 
After  the  overthrow  of  Isabella  II,  liberty  of  worship  was 
proclaimed,  but  only  temporarily,  as  with  the  reestablish 
ment  of  the  Bourbons  in  the  person  of  Alfonso  XII,  the  su 
premacy  of  the  Catholic  Church  was  recognized.  The  article 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  289 

of  the  Constitution  of  1876  on  the  subject,  still  in  force,  is  as 
follows:  "The  Catholic  Apostolic  Roman  religion  is  that  of 
the  State.  The  nation  obligates  itself  to  maintain  the  wor 
ship  and  its  ministers.  No  person  shall  be  molested  in  the  ter 
ritory  of  Spain  for  his  religious  opinions,  nor  for  the  exercise 
of  his  particular  worship,  saving  the  respect  due  to  Christian 
morality.  Nevertheless,  no  other  ceremonies  nor  manifesta 
tions  in  public  will  be  permitted  than  those  of  the  religion  of 
the  State." 

This  article  has  been  the  subject  of  much  discussion,  and 
its  somewhat  ambiguous  and  evasive  character  has  enabled 
the  different  Ministries  to  place  upon  it  a  liberal  or  restrict 
ive  character,  as  suited  their  purposes.  It  was  in  my  day 
construed  to  prevent  any  outward  manifestation  of  Protest 
ant  worship.  No  church  edifice  could  be  erected,  nor  could 
any  sign  be  placed  on  the  outside  of  a  house  in  which  such 
worship  was  held ;  and  no  bell-ringing  or  religious  procession 
on  the  streets  was  allowed  to  Protestants.  The  British  Gov 
ernment  provided  a  chaplain  to  its  Legation,  but  as  there 
was  no  suitable  room  for  public  service  in  the  Legation  pre 
mises,  a  hall  was  rented  in  a  private  house,  but  no  outward 
sign  was  allowed  on  the  street  to  direct  the  worshipers  to  it. 
It  was  the  custom  of  my  family  to  attend  this  chapel  or  the 
Protestant  Spanish  service,  which  was  likewise  held  in  a 
private  house. 

While  considerable  freedom  of  the  press  was  allowed  in 
political  matters,  no  attacks  were  permitted  on  church 
dogma  or  the  clergy.  A  case  came  under  my  observation  of 
the  arrest  and  condemnation  to  two  years'  imprisonment  of  a 
native  pastor  for  publishing  a  reply  to  an  attack  of  a  priest 
on  the  Protestants.  An  intelligent  Spanish  statesman  once 
remarked  to  an  American  diplomat,  in  discussing  the  article 
of  the  Constitution  above  quoted:  "The  provision  for  free 
dom  of  worship  in  the  Constitution  is  a  mere  abstract  pro 
position  —  it  can  never  have  any  practical  value  except  for 


290  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

foreigners.  I  cannot  conceive  of  a  Spaniard  being  anything 
but  a  Catholic." 

The  experience  of  one  of  the  secretaries  who  served  under 
me  in  the  Legation  illustrates  the  strictness  with  which  the 
laws  relating  to  the  Church  were  enforced.  He  became 
enamoured  of  a  Spanish  young  lady,  who  had  been  baptized 
in  the  Catholic  Church,  but  as  he  had  been  reared  in  the 
Presbyterian  Church  he  was  unwilling  to  be  married  by 
the  priests,  with  Catholic  ceremonies,  and  desired  to  have  the 
marriage  in  conformity  with  the  civil  forms  and  by  a  Pro 
testant  clergyman,  to  which  the  young  lady  was  agreed.  He 
went  to  the  authorities  and  procured  all  the  forms  and  in 
structions  required,  to  conform  to  which  two  months  were 
consumed  in  securing  the  necessary  certificates. 

When  he  thought  all  was  in  due  form  and  they  were  ready 
to  be  married,  the  magistrate  discovered  that  there  was  a 
law  which  forbade  a  Protestant  from  marrying  a  Catholic. 
He  thereupon  had  to  resort  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
to  have  the  King  call  a  Council  of  State  and  issue  a  royal 
decree,  thereafter  permitting  Protestants  and  Catholics  to 
marry  by  civil  process.  This  consumed  more  weeks,  but 
served  the  good  purpose  of  modifying  the  old  law.  The 
Secretary  said  the  documents  and  certificates  he  was  re 
quired  to  procure  made  a  pile  a  foot  high,  and  as  all  had  to 
be  on  stamped  paper  the  cost  to  him  for  stamps  amounted 
to  about  sixty  dollars. 

The  expense  and  delay  in  these  ceremonies  are  not  con 
fined  to  the  persons  who  resort  to  the  civil  marriage,  but  like 
wise  attend  those  performed  by  the  Catholic  clergy.  In  the 
vicar's  office  a  fee  of  twelve  dollars  was  charged.  An  extra 
fee  of  thirty  dollars  was  charged  if  haste  was  desired  by  the 
omission  of  the  publication  of  the  banns,  and  the  priest  who 
performed  the  ceremony  received  six  dollars.  The  delays 
and  expense  attending  marriages  are  the  chief  cause  of  the 
unlawful  unions  in  Spain.  The  rate  of  illegitimacy  is  very 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  291 

high  in  the  country,  especially  in  Madrid,  where  it  was  com 
puted  to  be  twenty  per  cent  of  the  births. 

A  notable  religious  event  occurred  during  my  residence  in 
Spain.  St.  James  the  Greater,  or  Santiago,  has  been  for  ages 
the  patron  saint  of  the  nation  and  his  anniversary  is  always 
greatly  honored.  The  Cathedral  of  Santiago  in  Galicia  has 
been  one  of  the  most  celebrated  among  the  Catholic  sanctu 
aries  as  the  burial-place  of  St.  James.  For  many  centuries 
an  incessant  stream  of  pilgrims  flowed  to  this  remote  place, 
and  especially  the  gallant  young  gentlemen,  not  only  of 
Spain  but  of  France  and  Italy,  came  in  great  numbers  to 
pay  due  honors  at  the  tomb  of  the  great  militant  saint.  On 
account  of  these  pilgrimages  a  great  number  of  wealthy 
monasteries  were  established,  at  which  the  pilgrims  were 
entertained,  and  a  thriving  business  was  maintained. 

Up  to  comparatively  recent  times  no  one  wished  or  dared 
to  inquire  as  to  the  genuineness  of  the  relics  said  to  be  repos 
ing  under  the  high  altar,  but  in  the  iconoclastic  period  of  the 
French  Revolution  doubts  began  to  arise,  and  some  investi 
gation  was  made  into  the  history  of  the  Apostle  James,  the 
son  of  Zebedee.  From  the  Gospel  narratives  he  was  found  to 
be  of  a  fiery  temper,  favored  extreme  measures,  and  was 
credited  with  worldly  ambition ;  all  of  which  qualities  fitted 
him  to  be  the  patron  saint  of  Spain.  But  unfortunately  the 
history  of  his  career  as  an  apostle  after  the  death  of  his  Mas 
ter  was  very  defective,  he  being  only  twice  mentioned,  once 
just  after  the  ascension,  and  then  about  ten  years  later  when 
he  was  put  to  death  by  Herod.  No  Catholic  writer  of  emin 
ence  asserted  that  there  was  any  authentic  history  to  show 
that  he  was  ever  in  Spain,  but  there  was  an  abundance  of 
legends  to  show  that  he  brought  the  Gospel  to  its  people,  and 
it  could  not  be  proved  that  he  was  never  in  the  Peninsula. 

Nevertheless  the  stream  of  pilgrimage  in  great  measure 
ceased,  the  monasteries  fell  into  decay,  and  Santiago  lost 
much  of  its  importance  as  a  sanctuary.  In  this  condition  of 


292  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

affairs  the  energetic  and  pious  Archbishop  of  Santiago  set  to 
work  to  establish  the  authenticity  of  the  sacred  relics  and 
restore  the  decaying  fortunes  of  the  cathedral  and  its  ap 
pendages.  In  excavating  under  the  high  altar  the  bones  of 
three  persons  were  discovered,  and  the  Archbishop  caused 
a  proces  verbal  to  be  drawn  up  to  show  that  they  were  the 
veritable  remains  of  the  Apostle  James  and  his  disciples 
Athanasius  and  Theodore,  and  this  was  transmitted  to 
Rome.  After  four  years  of  study  by  the  Sacred  Congregation 
of  Rites,  the  Pope,  on  the  twenty-second  of  May,  1884,  con 
firmed  the  proces  verbal,  and  from  one  end  of  the  Peninsula 
to  the  other  there  were  great  rejoicings,  and  the  famous 
patron  saint  was  restored  to  the  confidence  and  veneration 
of  the  whole  nation.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  there 
has  been  a  great  revival  of  industries  in  the  precincts  of  the 
sacred  city  of  Santiago.  The  era  of  pilgrimages  seemingly  has 
passed. 

The  devotion  of  the  ruling  political  parties  to  the  Church 
and  their  close  attachment  to  the  Papal  Concordat  have  had 
more  than  one  deleterious  effect  upon  the  country.  Probably 
the  most  serious  of  these  is  the  illiterate  condition  of  the 
people,  Spain  being  the  least  educated  of  the  nations  of 
Western  Europe.  Such  has  not  always  been  its  condition. 
In  the  time  of  the  Empire  the  Roman  cities  of  the  Peninsula 
were  the  centres  of  learning.  The  names  of  Lucan  and  Mar 
tial,  the  Senecas  and  Quintilian,  natives  of  Spain,  bear  evi 
dence  of  the  intelligence  of  its  sons.  During  the  Arab  domin 
ation  its  civilization,  its  universities,  schools,  and  libraries 
were  so  celebrated  that  they  were  frequented  by  Christian 
students  from  all  countries  of  Europe,  while  the  latter  slept 
in  ignorance.  In  Spain  the  mediaeval  Hebrew  literature  also 
reached  its  highest  development.  In  its  golden  age,  following 
the  expansion  in  America,  the  universities  of  Spain  were  again 
the  centres  of  learning,  and  the  Spanish  language  and  liter 
ature,  as  well  as  its  customs,  controlled  the  Courts  of  Europe. 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  293 

Until  very  recently  the  education  of  the  people  has  been 
under  the  control  of  the  Church.  Even  so  enlightened  a 
statesman  as  Senor  Canovas,  at  the  restoration  of  the  mon 
archy,  reversed  the  liberal  policy  as  to  educational  matters 
which  had  been  established  after  the  expulsion  of  Isabella, 
and  he  caused  a  series  of  religious  test  acts  to  be  passed  and 
enforced  them  unflinchingly  upon  the  universities  and  high 
schools.  As  a  result  a  considerable  number  of  professors  who 
refused  to  submit,  including  some  of  the  most  eminent  names 
in  Spain,  were  ejected  from  their  chairs  and  thrown  into 
prison.  Senor  Juan  F.  Riano,  who  at  various  times  was 
Director  of  Public  Instruction  in  the  Sagasta  ministries, 
sought  to  mitigate  these  enactments,  and  of  late  years  the 
control  of  the  Church  in  educational  matters  has  been 
greatly  curtailed. 

One  of  the  most  baleful  results  of  this  educational  repres 
sion  is  its  influence  upon  Spanish  women.  They  are  naturally 
clever  and  more  active  in  their  intelligence  than  the  men,  but 
with  rare  exceptions  they  are  almost  entirely  without  a  lib 
eral  education.  I  have  noticed  the  intellectual  activity  of  the 
Russian  women  and  the  great  influence  they  have  exercised 
upon  European  society.  Such  characteristics  are  seldom 
found  among  the  Spanish  women.  In  the  tertulias  and  at 
dinner-parties  there  are  bright,  sprightly,  and  beautiful 
women,  who  make  themselves  entertaining  with  the  current 
gossip,  but  rarely  is  one  met  who  cares  to  indulge  in  intellect 
ual  conversation. 

But  I  found  some  notable  exceptions.  Dona  Emilia  de 
Riano,  the  wife  of  the  Director  of  Public  Instruction,  was  the 
daughter  of  Senor  Gayangos,  the  most  accomplished  Arabic 
and  Hebrew  scholar  of  his  day  and  a  high  authority  and 
critic  of  art.  She  spent  much  time  with  her  father  in  Eng 
land,  where  she  was  chiefly  educated.  Her  house  in  Madrid 
was  filled  with  a  rare  collection  of  works  of  art  and  litera 
ture,  and  her  home  was  the  resort  of  a  company  of  Spanish 


294  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS  j 

scholars  and  educated  people,  difficult  to  find  in  any  other 
house  in  the  Capital,  and  she  was  the  central  personage  of 
that  circle.  Brilliant  but  modest  in  conversation,  she  was 
ready  to  discuss  literature,  art,  politics,  and  the  world's 
affairs  with  an  intelligence  seldom  found  in  any  society.  My 
family  and  I  were  frequent  visitors  at  her  house  and  came 
to  be  greatly  attached  to  her.  Walks  with  her  through  the 
picture-gallery  of  Madrid,  the  most  notable  in  the  world, 
were  red-letter  days  in  our  lives.  Her  knowledge  of  the  porce 
lains  and  ceramic  art  of  Spain  was  very  complete,  and  she 
had  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  its  literature.  In  passing 
through  London  on  our  way  to  Madrid,  Mr.  Lowell  told  us 
of  Madame  Riano,  and  gave  me  the  following  characteristic 
letter  to  her : 

LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
LONDON,  May  30,  1883. 

DEAR  MADAME  DE  RIANO,  — 

You  will  naturally  (you  who  are  so  kind  to  Americans) 
come  to  know  my  friend  General  Foster,  who  is  (I  am  glad  to 
say)  to  be  our  Minister  in  Madrid,  but  that  you  may  have  that 
pleasure  the  sooner,  and  especially  that  he  may  have  it, 
I  give  him  this.  I  will  tell  you  what  you  would  never  learn 
from  him,  that  he  has  served  his  country  with  great  distinc 
tion  both  in  the  army  and  in  civil  life,  and  you  know  very 
well  that  I  do  not  give  anybody  the  chance  of  knowing  you 
unless  they  are  themselves  worth  knowing. 

Mr.  Foster  brings  with  him  his  wife  and  daughter.  Miss 
Nordhoff  (daughter  of  an  old  friend  of  mine)  also  accom 
panies  him.  You  will  be  good  to  them  for  my  sake,  I  am 
sure,  till  you  learn  to  be  for  theirs. 

Sigue  mejorandose  mi  mujer,  quien  a"  Vd  como  siempre  le 
manda  recuerdos  mas  carinosos.  En  cuanto  a"  mi,  me  pongo 
a"  sus  pies  de  Vd  y  quedo. 

Su  afmo  y  agradecido  amigo, 

J.  R.  LOWELL. 


SPAIN,  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  295 

Recalling  our  pleasant  intercourse  with  Mr.  Lowell  during 
our  frequent  passages  through  London  to  and  from  the  Con 
tinent,  an  incident  may  be  here  noticed.  He  was  always 
inviting  us  to  dinner  or  to  luncheon  to  meet  his  English 
friends,  and  one  day  he  asked  Mrs.  Foster  if  there  was  any 
one  in  London  she  would  like  especially  to  meet  and  he 
would  see  if  he  could  arrange  it.  She  replied  that  she  was 
a  great  admirer  of  Tennyson  and  would  rather  meet  him 
than  any  other  person  in  England.  He  answered :  "  You  are 
a  great  admirer  of  Tennyson?  Will  you  take  my  advice? 
I  doubtless  could  arrange  a  meeting  for  you,  but  I  would 
advise  against  it,  as  your  ideal  of  him  might  be  dispelled 
if  you  meet  him.  Of  late  he  has  grown  careless  in  his  dress 
and  cross.  He  has  been  much  annoyed  by  Americans  and 
other  strangers  coming  to  see  him,  and  he  is  not  always 
polite,  is  gruff  and  surly.  We  might  strike  him  in  fine 
humor,  but  more  likely  not,  and  you  would  always  regret 
the  interview.  So  remember  him  as  you  have  him  in  your 
imagination." 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  —  DIPLOMATIC  MATTERS 

IT  had  been  my  determination  when  I  brought  the  Cuban 
reciprocity  treaty  to  Washington  in  December,  1884,  not  to 
return  to  Spain  as  Minister.  In  execution  of  this  determina 
tion  I  tendered  my  resignation  to  President  Cleveland  im 
mediately  after  his  inauguration.  But  aside  from  this 
determination  on  my  part,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the 
new  President  would  desire  the  resignation  of  all  diplomatic 
officers,  to  enable  him  to  fill  those  much-sought-for  places 
with  his  partisan  friends. 

In  this  view  of  the  political  situation,  and  while  I  was 
arranging  to  return  to  the  practice  of  my  profession  in 
Washington,  a  few  days  after  I  had  filed  my  resignation  in 
the  Department  of  State,  I  was  invited  by  the  new  Secretary 
of  State,  Mr.  Bayard,  to  dine  with  him.  When  I  went  to  his 
house  I  found  I  was  the  only  guest  and  not  even  his  family 
were  at  the  table.  It  soon  developed  that  he  had  taken  this 
hospitable  method  of  having  a  confidential  interview  with 
me.  I  had  theretofore  a  slight  acquaintance  with  him  as 
a  Senator,  but  he  treated  me  with  the  utmost  cordiality  and 
confidence,  and  seemed  well  informed  as  to  my  diplomatic 
services.  He  told  me  that  he  had  been  requested  by  the 
President  to  express  to  me  his  earnest  desire  that  I  should 
continue  in  the  service  and  return  to  my  post  at  Madrid. 
He  said  the  commercial  treaty  for  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico 
which  I  had  negotiated  did  not  commend  itself  to  the  Presi 
dent  in  the  schedules  of  articles  for  reciprocal  exchange,  as 
he  favored  a  different  tariff  policy;  but  he  found  that  the 
treaty  had  many  desirable  features  for  the  improvement  of 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  297 

our  commercial  relations  with  those  islands;  that  he  was 
desirous  of  having  them  carried  out ;  and  if  I  should  consent 
to  return  to  Madrid  he  would  intrust  me  with  the  mission 
of  securing  a  modification  of  the  treaty  to  conform  to  his 
views. 

I  expressed  my  high  appreciation  of  the  confidence  reposed 
in  me  by  the  President  and  the  honor  he  proposed  to  bestow 
upon  me,  but  stated  that  two  obstacles  stood  in  the  way. 
First,  I  did  not  desire  to  continue  longer  in  the  service,  and, 
second,  I  hardly  thought  the  Spanish  Government  would 
care  for  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  reciprocity  provisions 
stricken  out.  The  result,  however,  of  a  long  conversation  was 
that  I  consented  to  return  to  Madrid,  with  the  understanding 
that  after  I  had  sounded  the  Government  and  my  surmise 
as  to  its  attitude  should  be  found  to  be  correct,  I  could  again 
tender  my  resignation  at  my  convenience  and  it  would  then 
be  accepted. 

As  there  was  no  occasion  for  haste  in  reaching  Madrid, 
I  entered  Spain  from  Southern  France,  spent  some  time  in 
Barcelona  and  other  points  of  interest  in  the  province  of 
Catalonia,  and  also  visited  Valencia.  During  my  previous 
residence  I  had  made  excursions  to  all  other  parts  of  the 
Peninsula  except  the  distant  Asturias,  and  with  this  latter 
tour  I  had  become  acquainted  by  personal  contact  with  this 
beautiful,  interesting,  and  romantic  country. 

I  was  quite  civilly  received  on  my  return  to  Madrid  by 
the  Ministry,  but  there  was  a  manifest  feeling  of  disappoint 
ment  at  the  failure  of  the  treaty.  It  was  understood,  how 
ever,  that  the  change  of  parties  in  the  United  States  and  the 
adoption  of  a  different  tariff  policy  had  been  the  main  cause 
of  this  failure.  The  Minister  of  State  and  Senor  Canovas 
promised  to  take  up  with  me  at  an  early  day  the  negotia 
tions  for  a  new  commercial  treaty,  but  I  saw  that,  as  usual, 
I  should  have  to  exercise  patience. 

During  this  period  of  waiting  I  had  a  further  opportunity 


298  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

of  seeing  Madrid  society  and  the  Court.  Acquaintance  with 
the  royal  family  of  Spain  was  an  interesting  experience  for 
the  resident  diplomat.  None  of  the  monarchs  of  Europe  were 
weighed  down  with  such  a  wretched  family  history  as 
Alfonso  XII  on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  The  miserable 
reign  of  Ferdinand  had  been  followed  by  the  regency  of  his 
wife  Christ ina,  one  of  the  most  dissolute  of  royal  women. 
Isabella  II  became  successor  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  three 
years,  and  passed  through  a  training  that  well  fitted  her  to 
eclipse  her  mother  in  immoral  living.  We  recall  the  estimate 
which  Washington  Irving  gave  of  Isabella  the  Catholic  as 
"the  most  beautiful  of  historical  characters,  the  purest 
sovereign  who  ever  sat  upon  a  throne,  and  .  .  .  also  one  of 
the  most  enlightened,"  and  we  sympathize  with  the  proud 
race  which  saw  its  once  mighty  sceptre  in  such  degenerate 
hands. 

Certainly  if  heredity  can  blight  a  life,  Don  Alfonso  was 
greatly  handicapped  in  moral  qualities  when  he  ascended  the 
throne  of  Spain.  He  was  proclaimed  King  at  the  age  of 
seventeen,  having  spent  much  of  his  youth  in  exile.  I  vividly 
recall  an  after-dinner  speech  which  I  heard  him  deliver  at 
one  of  the  banquets  in  honor  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Ger 
many.  In  toasting  his  "cousin"  the  Prince,  he  contrasted 
their  lives,  and  expressed  regret  that  he  had  been  called  to 
rule  over  his  people  at  the  early  age  of  seventeen  with  no 
experience  or  training,  while  the  Crown  Prince  would  enter 
on  his  duties  as  Emperor  in  the  ripeness  of  age  with  many 
long  years  of  preparation,  for  which  he  should  be  grateful. 
Few  of  his  subjects  know  how  deeply  he  had  felt  his  respons 
ibility  and  how  difficult  the  pathway  he  had  to  tread  had 
been.  It  was  so  modestly  and  sincerely  spoken  that  it  made 
a  deep  impression  on  all  who  heard  it.  Emperor  William  of 
Germany,  at  the  death  of  the  King,  spoke  of  the  "true 
friendship  "  which  existed  between  them,  and  added,  "  I 
recognized  a  young  man  ripe  beyond  his  years,  clearly  com- 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  299 

prehending  his  difficult  task  and  possessing  an  energy  that 
promised  a  successful  reign." 

Under  the  circumstances  it  was  little  less  than  remarkable 
that  his  reign  should  have  proved  so  successful.  I  have 
already  commended  his  conduct  on  special  occasions  of 
political  importance.  He  had  the  wisdom  to  act  at  all  times 
within  his  limited  sphere  as  a  constitutional  sovereign,  and 
carefully  abstained  from  dictation  or  any  attempt  at  control 
of  political  affairs.  He  was  intelligent  and  kept  himself 
fairly  informed  of  public  events.  On  a  number  of  occasions 
he  showed  that  he  was  possessed  of  personal  bravery  and 
self-control.  He  had  pleasing  manners,  an  amiable  disposi 
tion,  and  made  himself  popular  with  his  people.  He  was  the 
subject  of  considerable  scandal,  not  without  some  founda 
tion.  I  find  that,  in  commenting  upon  those  stories  at  the 
time,  I  remarked  in  one  of  my  letters  that  "a  son  of  Isabella 
could  hardly  be  a  model  husband."  He  had  an  untimely  end, 
dying  a  few  weeks  after  I  bade  him  farewell  on  leaving  Spain. 

Happily  the  death  of  the  King  did  not  bring  disorder  upon 
the  country,  which  judging  from  its  past  history  might  have 
been  anticipated.  Queen  Christina  was  named  regent,  and 
under  Sagasta  as  Prime  Minister  the  country  readily  recog 
nized  her  authority.  She  proved  herself  well  fitted  for  her 
trying  duties.  She  belongs  to  the  imperial  family  of  Austria, 
her  father  being  an  uncle  of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph. 
She  received  the  best  education  the  Empire  could  give,  and 
having  studious  habits  she  kept  up  her  acquaintance  with 
literature  and  science,  and  spoke  with  accuracy  German, 
French,  English,  and  Spanish.  Soon  after  assuming  the 
regency,  by  prudence  and  tact  in  her  relations  with  her  Min 
isters  and  by  her  intense  devotion  to  her  children,  she  over 
came  the  national  prejudice  against  her  as  "a  foreigner," 
and  when  a  few  months  after  the  death  of  the  King  a 
posthumous  male  heir  to  the  throne  was  born  she  became 
enshrined  in  the  affections  of  the  entire  nation. 


300  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

As  under  the  constitution  she  could  properly  leave  the 
government  of  the  country  to  the  Ministry,  her  chief  duty 
was  to  her  children,  the  two  young  princesses  and  the  infant 
king.  Prince  Hohenlohe  relates  that  after  the  burial  of 
Alfonso  XII,  he  had  an  interview  with  her,  whom  he  had 
known  in  Austria,  in  which  he  spoke  to  her  of  the  great  satis 
faction  which  her  course  had  given  the  Spanish  people,  and 
she  answered,  "I  shall  know  how  to  fulfill  my  duty  towards 
my  children."  This  she  felt  was  the  chief  task  she  had  to 
discharge.  Mrs.  Foster  had  several  private  interviews  with 
her,  and  the  children  were  almost  the  only  topic  of  their 
conversation.  In  one  of  these  conversations  she  told  Mrs. 
Foster  of  the  great  interest  she  had  taken  in  reading  "  Helen's 
Babies"  to  the  two  little  princesses,  and  asked  about  other 
American  juvenile  literature.  This  afforded  Mrs.  Foster  the 
occasion  to  procure  from  New  York  a  selection,  and  among 
them  an  elegantly  bound  author's  presentation  copy  of 
"  Helen's  Babies,"  which  highly  gratified  the  royal  mother. 

Alfonso  XII  had  three  sisters,  known  in  court  language  as 
The  Infantas.  The  eldest,  Dona  Isabel,  made  an  unfortunate 
marriage  with  a  member  of  the  Neapolitan  royal  family,  who 
committed  suicide,  and  she  returned  to  Madrid.  She  is  not 
handsome,  but  quite  intelligent,  bright  in  conversation,  very 
popular  in  society,  and  a  good  horsewoman.  It  was  her  great 
delight  to  drive  a  team  of  six  well-groomed  and  sprightly 
mules  at  a  dashing  speed  over  the  roads  at  La  Granja.  It 
was  greatly  to  her  honor  as  a  Spanish  Bourbon  that  no 
breath  of  scandal  ever  attached  to  her. 

The  second  Infanta,  Maria  de  la  Paz,  was  married  to  a 
Bavarian  Prince  the  year  of  our  arrival  in  Madrid.  The  royal 
pair  were  accustomed  to  return  annually,  and  the  young 
Prince  honored  the  Diplomatic  Corps  with  a  reception, 
where  we  exchanged  with  him  some  flippant  conversation. 

Dona  Eulalia,  the  youngest  of  the  King's  sisters,  was  quite 
attractive  and  pleasant.  She  established  friendly  relations 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  301 

with  my  daughters,  who  were  often  invited  to  the  Palace  for 
a  cup  of  tea  in  her  private  apartments.  It  will  be  remem 
bered  that  she  represented  the  Queen-Regent  at  the  Colum 
bian  Exposition  at  Chicago,  and  she  had  a  similar  representa 
tion  at  Queen  Victoria's  Jubilee  in  London.  On  both  occa 
sions  she  acquitted  herself  with  credit  and  proved  a  general 
favorite.  Her  marriage  to  her  cousin,  the  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Montpensier,  was  not  a  happy  one,  and  has  not  prevented 
her  from  being  the  subject  of  society  gossip. 

One  of  the  court  ladies,  attached  to  the  Infanta  Eulalia, 
was  a  woman  of  much  strength  of  character  and  intelligence, 
the  widow  of  the  Marques  Calderon  de  la  Barca,  who  was  for 
some  years  the  Spanish  Minister  in  Washington.  She  was 
Scotch  by  birth,  but  had  passed  much  of  her  life  in  Washing 
ton.  Her  sister  was  the  author  of  "Life  in  Mexico,"  one  of 
the  most  interesting  books  ever  written  on  that  country, 
published  in  1843  with  a  very  commendatory  preface  by 
Prescott.  Because  of  her  former  residence  in  Washington 
the  Marquesa  was  on  very  friendly  terms  with  our  household, 
and  through  her  we  came  to  know  much  of  the  inner  life  of 
the  Palace. 

On  leaving  Madrid  for  one  of  my  visits  to  Washington,  I 
offered  my  services  for  carrying  some  little  packages  to  her 
relatives  in  the  latter  city,  and  also  asked  her  for  return 
orders  from  her  kinsfolk.  When  I  was  about  to  return  the 
Marchioness's  nephew,  a  prominent  lawyer  in  Washington, 
brought  to  my  hotel  a  package  ordered  by  her,  saying  he 
was  afraid  I  did  not  know  the  weight  of  the  obligation  I  had 
assumed ;  which  proved  to  be  a  soapstone  griddle !  In  writ 
ing  to  my  wife  about  it,  the  Marchioness  said:  "Mr.  Foster 
can  refuse  nothing  to  me,  a  real  American  at  heart.  You  will 
laugh  when  I  tell  you  that  he  brings  back  for  me,  at  the  bot 
tom  of  his  trunk,  a  griddle,  which  is  an  impossible  thing  to 
find  here.  It  is  quite  an  event,  a  griddle  brought  across  the 
Atlantic  by  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo- 


302  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

tentiary !  But  it  is  to  make  American  cakes  on  for  the  royal 
family  I  want  it." 

For  some  years  after  Alfonso  XII  was  crowned,  his 
mother,  the  ex-Queen  Isabella,  was  not  permitted  by  Senor 
Cdnovas  to  come  to  Madrid,  fearing  her  evil  influence  over 
her  son,  and  during  his  entire  reign  she  lived  either  at  her 
palace  in  the  south  of  Spain  or  in  Paris.  During  the  later 
years  of  his  reign  the  rule  was  relaxed  and  she  made  occa 
sional  visits  to  the  Capital.  On  such  occasions  a  book  was 
kept  at  the  Palace,  where  the  Diplomatic  Corps  could  call  and 
inscribe  their  names,  according  to  the  custom  in  monarchical 
countries.  I  did  not  have  sufficient  respect  for  Her  Majesty 
to  pay  her  that  honor,  but  I  was  made  to  suffer  the  penalty 
for  my  lack  of  courtesy.  Whether  or  not  she  had  noticed 
my  omission  I  cannot  say,  but  at  one  of  the  state  balls  in 
the  Palace  she  inquired  of  the  Introducer  of  Ambassadors  if 
there  was  not  a  new  American  Minister  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  meet  me.  Whereupon  this  functionary  conducted 
myself,  wife,  and  daughters  into  the  presence  of  the  famous 
Isabella  and  presented  us,  and  to  my  relief  she  made  herself 
quite  agreeable. 

Carl  Schurz,  who  was  the  American  Minister  in  1861  when 
she  was  at  the  height  of  her  prosperity  and  sensual  life,  refers 
to  her  as  "the  gay  Isabella,  the  dissoluteness  of  whose  life 
was  so  universally  admitted  that  it  may  be  said  to  have  been 
accepted  history."  Of  her  imbecile  husband,  Don  Francisco 
de  Asis,  he  writes:  "His  only  political  function  consisted  in 
presenting  himself  to  the  world  as  the  official  father  of 
Isabella's  children."  Her  evil  influence  upon  the  Govern 
ment  and  her  people  cannot  be  disguised,  but  when  we 
remember  her  father's  sensuality  and  dissipation  and  the 
neglect  of  her  wicked  mother  in  her  infancy,  we  are  moved 
to  throw  a  mantle  of  charity  over  her  life  and  to  remember 
rather  her  cordial  manner,  her  great  amiability,  and  the 
generosity  for  which  she  was  distinguished. 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  303 

The  royal  family  is  quite  a  tax  upon  the  Government  treas 
ury,  but  not  more  heavy  than  that  of  most  monarchies.  The 
appropriations  for  this  purpose  in  1885,  the  year  of  the 
King's  death,  were  as  follows:  The  King,  $1,400,000;  the 
Queen,  SOO^OQU;  the  Princess  of  Asturias  (then  the  heir 
apparent),  $100,000;  the  Infanta  Isabel,  $504100;  the  two 
younger  Infantas,  Paz  and  Eulalia,  $30,000  each ;  Duchess  of 
Montpensier,  $50,000 ;  ex-Queen  Isabella,  $150,000 ;  and  the 
ex-King  consort,  $60,000 ;  making  the  total  sum  for  the  royal 
family  $1,960,000.  In  addition  to  these  revenues  the  King, 
the  Queen,  and  the  ex-Queen  were  possessors  of  large  private 
estates. 

"Following  the  Court,"  especially  in  the  summer  vacation, 
has  been  an  established  custom  in  Spain  for  centuries,  when 
the  Diplomatic  Corps  accompanies  the  King  on  changing  his 
residence  from  the  Capital  to  one  of  his  country  palaces. 
John  Jay,  the  first  American  Minister  sent  to  Spain,  back  in 
the  eighteenth  century  wrote  to  the  Continental  Congress 
of  the  great  additional  expense  the  custom  brought  upon 
him,  and  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  of  that  body 
availed  of  it  to  obtain  a  larger  appropriation  for  the  mission. 
The  practice  had  somewhat  fallen  into  desuetude  with  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  in  my  day,  as  its  members  generally  pre 
ferred  to  take  their  vacations  in  European  watering-places 
or  elsewhere;  but  its  observance  was  much  appreciated  by 
the  Court,  and  during  the  three  summers  I  passed  in  Spain 
I  " followed"  the  King  each  year  to  La  Granja,  and,  as  I 
reported  to  the  Department  of  State,  "remained  there  for 
so  long  a  time  as  appeared  necessary  to  manifest  a  due  re 
spect  for  his  Majesty." 

San  Ildefonso,  or  La  Granja  (the  grange),  as  it  is  com 
monly  called,  a  royal  palace  about  forty  miles  from  Madrid, 
has  been  for  nearly  two  centuries  a  favorite  summer  resort 
of  the  royal  family.  It  is  situated  in  the  fastnesses  of  the 
Guadaramas,  that  picturesque  range  of  mountains  which 


304  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

adorns  the  landscape  to  the  north  of  Madrid,  four  thousand 
feet  above  the  sea  and  in  the  midst  of  pine  forests.  It  is  the 
creation  of  Philip  V,  the  first  Bourbon  King  of  Spain.  Its 
chief  glory  is  its  garden,  patterned  after  that  at  Versailles, 
and  the  special  feature  is  the  great  array  of  fountains  of  art 
istic  design  and  workmanship.  They  have  a  great  advant 
age  over  those  of  Versailles  in  the  abundant  supply  of  clear 
water  fresh  from  the  mountain  streams. 

The  life  of  the  Court  at  La  Granja  is  much  more  simple 
and  informal  than  at  Madrid.  Uniform  is  dispensed  with, 
the  entertainments  at  the  Palace  have  less  of  an  official  air 
about  them,  and  the  royal  family  mingle  more  freely  with 
the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  summer  residents.  Some  of  the 
fountains  play  every  day  in  the  season,  and  are  a  never- 
failing  source  of  attraction.  Daily  about  noon  there  was  held 
in  the  royal  garden  what  is  called  a  "corro,"  a  social  gather 
ing  of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  village  to  have  a 
morning  talk  and  listen  to  the  music.  Usually  the  King, 
Queen,  or  the  Infantas  joined  it.  The  afternoons  were  de 
voted  to  driving  and  riding  or  foot  excursions  into  the  moun 
tains.  At  night,  if  there  was  no  entertainment  at  the  Palace 
or  at  some  of  the  villas,  the  little  theatre  offered  a  simple 
amusement.  One  of  the  villas  was  that  of  Herr  Bauer,  the 
Spanish  representative  of  the  Rothschilds,  a  famous  enter 
tainer. 

The  King  maintained  a  game  preserve  or  royal  forest  in 
the  mountains  a  few  miles  away,  with  a  good  supply  of  deer 
and  wild  boars.  The  gentlemen  fond  of  the  sport  were  fre 
quently  invited  to  accompany  the  King  on  shooting-parties, 
and  the  Queen,  members  of  the  Court,  and  Diplomatic  Corps 
sometimes  joined  them  for  a  picnic. 

Excursions  were  easily  made  to  Segovia,  six  miles  from 
La  Granja,  a  former  capital  of  Spain.  It  has  lost  much  of  its 
ancient  glory  and  prosperity,  but  it  is  still  one  of  the  most 
interesting  cities  of  the  Peninsula.  Its  three  attractive  feat- 


ALFONSO  XIII,  QUEEN  REGENT 
AND  INFANTAS  OF  SPAIN 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  305 

ures  are  monuments  of  three  stages  of  its  earlier  history. 
The  aqueduct  of  Trajan  is  one  of  the  best  preserved  of  the 
works  of  the  Roman  builders.  The  cathedral  is  one  of  the 
choicest  specimens  of  Gothic  architecture.  And  the  Alcazar, 
though  much  in  decay,  is  still  a  striking  evidence  of  the  taste 
and  power  of  the  Moorish  domination. 

After  the  death  of  Alfonso  XII,  La  Granja  ceased,  during 
the  sixteen  years  of  the  regency  of  Queen  Christina,  to  be  the 
summer  residence  of  the  Court,  Her  Majesty  having  taken  a 
dislike  to  it  and  spending  much  of  her  time  at  the  charming 
seaside  resort  of  San  Sebastian,  adjoining  Biarritz.  The  gos 
sips  attributed  this  dislike  to  the  King's  freer  indulgences 
in  his  mountain  retreat.  It  was  from  here  the  Queen  took 
her  journey  to  Vienna,  whence,  it  was  reported,  she  had  re 
solved  never  to  return  to  Spain.  But  if  she  ever  formed  such 
a  resolution,  reasons  of  state  led  to  her  return.  The  "  Castle 
in  the  Air,"  as  La  Granja  is  sometimes  termed,  has  of  late 
been  restored  to  favor,  as  the  young  King  Alfonso  XIII  spent 
here  his  honeymoon,  and  he  is  likely  to  make  it  again  the 
royal  summer  residence. 

It  has  been  intimated  already  that  I  encountered  much 
difficulty  in  bringing  the  Spanish  Government  to  any  satis 
factory  settlement  of  the  complaints  of  American  shipowners 
for  losses  and  injuries  sustained  through  the  harsh  measures 
of  the  colonial  authorities.  In  one  of  these  cases,  however, 
I  was  completely  successful,  but  my  success  does  not  inure 
so  much  to  the  credit  of  the  Spanish  Government  as  to  the 
effectiveness  of  arbitration.  The  Masonic,  an  American  ves 
sel,  was  seized  and  confiscated  by  the  customs  authorities 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  for  an  alleged  shortage  in  its  cargo. 
The  owner  obtained  a  decision  of  the  highest  court  of  Spain 
that  the  confiscation  was  illegal,  the  President  had  twice 
referred  to  it  in  messages  to  Congress,  and  for  five  years  the 
Legation  at  Madrid  had  been  laboring  ineffectively  to  secure 
indemnification.  The  owner  of  the  vessel  offered  to  accept 


306  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

$49,000,  but  the  Spanish  Government  was  unwilling  to  pay 
more  than  $9000. 

Finally  by  mutual  agreement  the  case  was  submitted  to 
arbitration,  the  Minister  of  State  in  the  note  consenting  to 
such  a  settlement,  complimenting  me  personally  by  saying 
that  the  Government  of  His  Majesty  desired  thus  "to  give 
a  proof  of  the  appreciation  which  it  has  of  the  friendly  con 
duct  of  your  official  relations  in  this  Court."  Baron  Blanc, 
the  Italian  Minister  at  Madrid,  was  selected  as  a  sole  arbiter, 
and  just  before  my  final  departure  from  Spain  he  rendered 
his  decision,  awarding  the  claimant  $51,674,  and  the  award 
was  promptly  paid  by  the  Spanish  Government.  Baron 
Blanc  had  served  previously  as  Italian  Minister  in  Washing 
ton  with  much  credit  and  had  married  an  American  lady  of 
wealth. 

There  was  no  American  colony  in  Madrid,  —  only  two  or 
three  dentists,  —  and  at  that  time  only  a  few  American 
tourists.  I  was  not  often  troubled  with  social  questions, 
which  sometimes  bring  perplexity  to  the  diplomatic  repre 
sentative  in  European  capitals  where  Americans  congregate 
in  considerable  numbers.  I  was  able  to  meet  the  expecta 
tions  of  my  countrymen  with  one  exception.  The  state  ball 
given  in  honor  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Germany  was  a  special 
event  in  European  society.  On  the  day  before  it  took  place 
a  young  man  from  Boston  appeared  at  my  Legation  and 
asked  for  invitations  to  the  ball  for  himself  and  his  two 
sisters.  I  explained  to  him  the  strict  rules  of  the  Court,  and 
that,  besides,  it  was  then  too  late  to  make  an  application. 
At  first  he  was  surprised,  and  finally  became  indignant,  that 
he  should  be  refused,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  brought 
no  letter  of  introduction,  and  did  not  even  present  a  pass 
port.  He  had  made  the  journey,  he  said,  all  the  way  from 
London  for  the  express  purpose  of  attending  the  ball,  some 
Italians  on  the  train  with  him  were  to  be  invited  by  their 
Minister,  and  he  did  not  see  why  the  American  Minister  could 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  307 

not  procure  invitations  for  him.  He  left  Madrid,  in  high 
dudgeon,  vowing  vengeance  on  me  at  Washington,  but 
nothing  further  was  heard  of  him. 

One  of  the  duties  of  American  Ministers  for  years  has 
been  to  guard  their  countrymen  from  frauds  sought  to  be 
perpetrated  by  a  band  of  shrewd  swindlers  in  Spain  who 
have  accomplices  in  the  United  States.  Warnings  have  from 
time  to  time  been  issued  by  the  Department  of  State,  but 
that  does  not  suffice  to  prevent  unwary  Americans  from 
occasionally  being  victimized.  It  became  my  duty  more  than 
once  to  prevent  guileless  Americans  from  making  the  long 
journey  to  Spain  or  remitting  money  to  the  conspirators, 
in  the  hope  of  a  fortune.  A  case  that  occurred  during  my 
Ministry  will  illustrate  the  character  of  the  frauds,  which 
assumed  various  forms. 

A  well-to-do  farmer  in  Pennsylvania,  to  whom  I  shall  give 
the  name  of  Smith,  received  a  letter  dated  at  "  Castle  Fort 
de  Valencia,"  with  a  Spanish  postmark.  The  writer,  Manuel 
Garcia,  it  stated,  was  imprisoned  on  an  eighteen-year  political 
sentence  for  helping  the  oppressed  Cuban  revolutionists.  Es 
caping  from  the  island  with  his  fortune,  amounting  to  thirty- 
nine  thousand  pounds  sterling,  he  deposited  it  in  the  Bank  of 
England,  taking  a  certificate  of  deposit.  He  had  married  in 
Cuba  an  American  woman,  who  claimed  to  be  a  relative  of 
Mr.  Smith,  and  who  had  died  leaving  an  only  daughter, 
Emily,  who  was  at  school  in  Spain.  Greatly  desiring  to  see 
this  daughter,  Garcia  made  a  secret  visit  to  Spain,  was  dis 
covered,  arrested,  and  condemned  to  imprisonment.  His 
portmanteau,  a  secret  pocket  of  which  contained  the  certifi 
cate  of  deposit  for  the  thirty-nine  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
was  held  for  costs  by  the  court.  Would  Mr.  Smith,  for  the 
sake  of  his  relationship  to  the  wife,  pay  the  court  costs, 
release  the  portmanteau,  and  take  charge  of  the  little 
daughter? 

This  letter  was  followed  in  a  short  time  by  a  letter  from 


308  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  "chaplain  of  the  prison/'  conveying  the  news  of  the  sad 
and  sudden  death  of  Garcia,  after  leaving  a  will  giving  to  Mr. 
Smith  one  fourth  of  the  estate  and  the  guardianship  of  the 
daughter  with  the  balance.  The  chaplain  sent  a  copy  of  the 
will,  duly  stamped  and  certified,  as  also  an  imposing-looking 
certificate  from  the  court,  setting  forth  the  foregoing  facts, 
and  that  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  pounds  sterling  were 
necessary  in  order  to  redeem  the  portmanteau ;  and  if  that 
sum  were  not  received  within  forty-nine  days  the  baggage 
would  be  sold.  The  chaplain  in  addition  sent  a  patriotic, 
misspelled  note  from  little  Emily,  on  a  letter-head  of  the 
"  Colegio  Anglo-Espanol,"  and  a  photograph  of  herself. 

Smith  submitted  the  documents  to  a  local  attorney,  who 
pronounced  them  in  proper  form.  The  chaplain  had  sug 
gested  that  he  remit  the  necessary  amount  at  once,  but 
upon  the  advice  of  the  lawyer  Smith  prepared  to  go  in  person 
to  Spain  and  attend  to  the  business  himself.  But  an  after 
thought  suggested  the  precaution  of  first  going  to  Washing 
ton  and  consulting  his  Congressman.  The  latter  took  him 
to  the  Department  of  State  and  to  the  Spanish  Legation, 
at  both  of  which  places  the  fraud  was  exposed  and  Smith 
was  saved  the  expense  of  the  long  journey  across  the  Atlantic. 

During  my  last  summer  in  Spain,  in  1885,  the  country 
was  afflicted  with  a  terrible  visitation  of  the  cholera.  It 
began  in  the  Mediterranean  ports  to  the  south,  and  gradually 
advanced  north  until  late  in  the  summer,  when  it  had  cov 
ered  almost  the  entire  Peninsula.  The  Diplomatic  Corps,  as 
usual  in  the  summer,  took  their  vacation  abroad,  and  I  was 
left  almost  alone  in  the  Capital  without  colleagues ;  but  as  I 
was  anxious  to  conclude  as  soon  as  possible  the  special  work 
assigned  me  by  Secretary  Bayard,  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  remain 
near  the  Ministry.  I  thus  had  an  opportunity  to  study  closely 
the  destructive  scourge.  The  account  of  its  ravages  in  the 
south  of  Spain  created  much  apprehension  at  first,  but  as  it 
gradually  approached  the  Capital  the  fears  of  the  more  intel- 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  309 

ligent  part  of  the  population  in  great  measure  subsided,  and 
for  some  weeks  we  endured  the  presence  of  the  pestilence 
with  composure. 

The  press  of  Madrid  contained  daily  accounts  of  its  pro 
gress  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  the  Government  pub 
lished  a  daily  summary  of  the  reports  of  fatalities  received, 
thus  making  it  the  general  topic  of  news  and  of  conversa 
tion.  The  detailed  accounts  from  many  localities  were  heart 
rending.  Granada  was  one  of  the  places  where  the  plague 
was  most  severely  felt,  as  many  as  two  hundred  and  sixty 
deaths  being  reported  daily ;  the  panic  was  so  great  the  muni 
cipal  government  became  paralyzed,  medical  aid  was  greatly 
insufficient,  the  poor  were  reported  as  dying  like  rats,  and 
it  was  almost  impossible  to  have  the  dead  buried.  The  bodies 
were  thrown  into  common  carts,  drunken  drivers  were  im 
pressed  from  the  state  prison,  and  the  dead  were  buried  in 
great  pits.  There  were,  however,  acts  of  heroic  devotion 
by  the  priests  and  sisters  of  charity,  and  the  archbishop 
turned  his  palace  into  a  hospital. 

It  was  stated  that  in  many  places  when  the  pestilence 
broke  out  whole  villages  were  deserted,  leaving  the  dead  un- 
buried.  In  others  the  panic  was  so  great  the  merchants  and 
shopkeepers  closed  their  stores,  the  well-to-do  people  fled, 
and  it  became  almost  impossible  to  obtain  food  and  supplies, 
so  that  starvation  was  added  to  disease.  In  one  town  six 
hundred  cases  were  reported  and  only  one  physician.  In 
stances  were  given  where  persons  fleeing  from  an  infected 
district  to  one  exempt  were  actually  starved  to  death.  In 
some  provinces  the  authorities  of  each  village  had  a  cordon 
thrown  about  it,  so  that  travel  was  almost  entirely  ob 
structed.  Added  to  this  was  the  strict  quarantine  and  fumi 
gation,  the  latter  being  so  severe  and  unscientific  that  many 
deaths  were  caused  by  it.  I  had  occasion  during  the  epidemic 
to  go  from  Madrid  to  La  Granja  to  see  the  Minister  of  State 
and  was  subjected  to  the  fumigation,  which  in  my  case  was 


310  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

made  comparatively  light,  but  I  found  it  sufficiently  dis 
agreeable.  My  opinion  was  that  the  only  benefit  of  such 
fumigation  was  to  calm  somewhat  the  fears  of  the  people  of 
the  exempt  district. 

The  unhappy  condition  of  the  country  was  greatly  ag 
gravated  by  the  ignorance  and  superstition  of  the  lower 
classes.  With  them  a  great  prejudice  existed  against  the 
physicians ;  they  refused  to  receive  their  visits  or  take  their 
medicines,  believing  that  the  doctors  were  sent  to  kill  them 
and  that  the  medicines  were  poison,  and  so  they  died  like 
beasts.  In  La  Granja,  the  seat  of  the  royal  family,  the  belief 
was  entertained  that  the  physicians  had  two  medicines,  a 
black  powder  to  kill  and  a  white  powder  to  cure,  and  that 
they  selected  their  subjects.  In  some  districts  of  Barcelona 
the  physicians  could  not  make  their  visits  unless  guarded  by 
two  policemen.  Nor  was  Madrid  any  exception;  persons 
attacked  with  the  cholera  being  taken  to  the  hospitals  were 
rescued  by  mobs  of  working-women  because  they  believed 
they  were  going  there  to  be  killed ;  and  owing  to  the  panic 
and  want  of  system  the  press  reported  that  scores  of  bodies 
remained  in  the  cemetery  grounds  of  Madrid  exposed  for  six 
or  eight  days  before  being  buried.  The  only  remedy  of  the 
common  people  seemed  to  be  to  get  the  Holy  Virgins  out 
of  the  churches  and  parade  them  in  immense  processions 
about  the  streets. 

As  the  pestilence  affected  all  the  concerns  of  the  people, 
so  also  it  was  an  element  of  discord  and  danger  to  the  Gov 
ernment.  The  provincial  authorities,  influenced  by  the  local 
press,  established  such  unreasonable  quarantines  and  re 
strictions  that  the  Central  Government  had  to  interfere  in 
order  to  prevent  a  complete  paralyzation  of  business  and 
travel.  This  led  to  open  disobedience  and  revolt  in  such  im 
portant  centres  as  Sevilla  and  Malaga ;  governors  had  to  be 
removed  and  new  ones  substituted,  and  the  military  brought 
into  requisition  to  enforce  the  orders  of  the  Government. 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  311 

A  ministerial  crisis  was  brought  on  by  the  first  announce 
ment  of  the  presence  of  the  cholera  in  Madrid,  which  it  was 
urged  should  not  have  been  made  because  of  its  effect  on 
business.  In  the  midst  of  the  distress  and  excitement  the 
King  showed  much  calmness,  courage,  and  sympathy,  going 
in  person  with  members  of  his  Court  and  Cabinet  to  the 
most  afflicted  provinces  to  give  confidence  to  the  people, 
and  remaining  in  Madrid  during  its  prevalence  there. 

I  quote  the  following  from  one  of  the  Madrid  papers,  as 
showing  the  sentiment  of  the  more  intelligent  portion  of  the 
public  on  the  deplorable  situation:  " Religion,  humanity, 
love  of  one's  neighbor,  and  the  light  of  civilization  demand 
that  men  and  communities  should  not  treat  each  other  as 
wild  beasts,  but  as  brothers ;  as  co-partners  in  affliction  and 
mutual  helpers  in  their  misfortunes.  The  cordons  and  laz 
arettos,  as  enforced  in  Andalusia  and  other  regions,  are  the 
height  of  inhumanity  and  degeneracy.  They  may  recall  the 
dark  days  of  the  Middle  Ages,  but  they  are  a  disgrace  to  the 
broad  light  of  the  nineteenth  century ;  we  resemble  the  state 
of  barbarism  which  may  separate  us  from  European  civiliza 
tion."  But  in  their  misfortunes  the  Spanish  people  were  not 
unlike  other  civilized  races.  If  we  read  the  account  given  by 
McMaster,  in  his  "  History  of  the  People  of  the  United 
States,"  of  the  epidemic  of  yellow  fever  when  it  visited  Phil 
adelphia  in  1793,  we  shall  find  a  state  of  affairs  much  re 
sembling  that  which  existed  in  Spain  in  1885. 

The  number  of  deaths  from  cholera  in  the  Peninsula  during 
the  prevalence  of  the  plague,  reported  to  the  Government, 
amounted  to  100,000,  but  the  aggregate  must  have  been  con 
siderably  larger,  as  many  fatalities  were  concealed  by  the 
lower  classes.  When  the  cholera  devastated  Europe  in  1831 
and  1832,  the  number  of  deaths  in  the  British  Islands 
amounted  to  only  52,500  in  a  much  larger  population.  A 
member  of  the  British  Royal  Commission  sent  to  Spain  to 
study  the  disease  said  to  me  that  it  was  the  greatest  epidemic 


312  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

which  had  visited  Europe  since  the  Middle  Ages.  It  awak 
ened  general  sympathy  throughout  the  world.  I  was  in 
structed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  "to  convey  to  His  Ma 
jesty,  in  the  name  of  the  President,  the  deep  sympathy  which 
the  people  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  bear 
towards  the  sorrowing  people  of  Spain  by  reason  of  the  great 
calamity  that  rests  upon  them,  and  express  our  prayerful 
hope  that  the  dark  cloud  of  pestilence  may  soon  be  lifted  from 
the  nation."  This  message  of  the  President  I  delivered  to  the 
King  in  person  when  I  took  leave  of  him  at  the  termination  of 
my  mission. 

The  preoccupation  of  the  Government  with  the  cholera 
and  other  matters  made  it  difficult  for  me  to  secure  its  atten 
tion  to  the  modification  of  the  Cuban  commercial  treaty,  but 
when  I  finally  brought  the  Ministers  of  State  arid  the  Colo 
nies  to  a  consideration  of  the  subject,  it  soon  became  appar 
ent  that  the  changes  desired  by  Secretary  Bayard  could  not 
be  secured.  The  failure  to  bring  about  the  ratification  of 
that  treaty  by  the  Senate  made  them  hesitate  to  enter  upon 
another  treaty  on  that  subject,  lest  it  should  meet  the  same 
fate,  and  the  reciprocal  exchange  of  products  which  Secretary 
Bayard  wished  to  have  omitted  was  the  feature  which  was 
most  valued  by  Spain ;  hence,  there  was  no  common  ground 
upon  which  to  base  a  negotiation. 

As  there  was,  therefore,  no  reason  on  that  account  why  I 
should  continue  my  stay,  I  tendered  my  resignation  a  second 
time  to  President  Cleveland,  which  was  accepted.  After  con 
cluding  the  business  attending  the  arbitration  of  the  Masonic 
claim  and  other  pending  questions,  I  was  received  by  the 
King  in  a  farewell  audience,  in  which  he  spoke  in  kindly 
terms  of  my  relations  with  his  Government  and  expressed  re 
gret  at  my  departure;  and  on  September  1,  1885,  I  turned 
over  the  Legation  to  the  Secretary,  Edward  H.  Strobel,  and 
left  Madrid. 

Mr.  Strobel  had  been  appointed  by  President  Cleveland, 


THE  ROYAL  FAMILY  313 

and  had  only  recently  arrived,  but  he  acquitted  himself  with 
credit,  which  gave  earnest  of  his  future  success.  He  was  born 
in  South  Carolina  and  graduated  from  the  academic  and  law 
departments  of  Harvard  University,  sustaining  himself  by 
tutoring  and  by  prizes  and  scholarships  gained  during  his 
course.  He  served  afterwards  as  an  Assistant  Secretary  of 
State  and  Minister  to  Chili,  and  for  some  years  filled  the  chair 
of  international  law  at  Harvard.  He  was  called  thence  to  the 
post  of  Diplomatic  Adviser  to  the  King  of  Siam,  and  had  be 
fore  him  a  useful  career,  when  he  died  suddenly  while  holding 
that  post. 

After  leaving  Madrid  there  happened  a  curious  sequel  to 
my  experience  with  the  cholera.  A  news  cablegram  was  pub 
lished  in  the  American  papers  on  September  9  that  I  had  been 
attacked  with  the  cholera  and  would  not  recover.  My  family 
and  friends  were  naturally  much  concerned  and  cablegrams 
were  dispatched  to  Madrid,  but  answers  were  returned  that 
I  was  not  in  that  city.  I  had  planned  a  hurried  visit  to 
Athens  and  Constantinople  before  returning  home;  at  the 
time  of  the  report  I  was  out  of  telegraphic  communication, 
and  some  days  elapsed  before  the  rumor  could  be  shown  to 
be  untrue.  William  E.  Forster,  a  well-known  statesman  of 
England,  at  the  time  lay  on  his  dying  bed,  and  the  news 
cablegram  received  in  New  York  stated  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  his  recovery.  The  brief  item  underwent  the  process 
of  "padding"  in  the  New  York  office  by  a  clerk  who  was 
more  acquainted  with  my  existence  than  with  that  of  my 
English  namesake. 

My  retirement  from  the  Legation  at  Madrid  closed  my 
diplomatic  services  as  a  Resident  Minister  abroad.  For  a 
second  time  I  entered  upon  the  labors  of  my  profession, 
little  thinking  there  was  still  before  me  a  much  more  varied 
diplomatic  career. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

A  SPANISH   CEREMONIAL 

Six  years  after  I  closed  my  mission  to  Spain,  I  was  delegated 
by  our  Government  to  make  a  visit  to  Madrid  on  official 
business,  the  character  of  which  will  be  stated  in  the  next 
chapter.  It  was  my  desire  and  hope  that  the  business  which 
brought  me  to  Spain  should  be  dispatched  with  much 
promptness,  so  that  my  absence  from  Washington  should 
be  as  brief  as  possible. 

But  I  had  taken  little  note  of  the  calendar,  and  reached 
Madrid  on  the  eve  of  Holy  Week.  It  reflected  poorly  upon  my 
habit  of  observation  that  after  ten  years'  residence  in  the 
lands  of  the  "Mother  Church,"  I  should  have  planned  a 
hurried  visit  so  as  to  reach  the  country  so  noted  for  its  holi 
days  on  the  eve  of  the  most  sacred  and  most  prolonged  of  the 
Church  festivals.  I  soon  discovered  that,  however  urgent  in 
my  own  estimation  my  business,  it  must  patiently  wait  till 
the  solemn  and  sacred  festival  week  was  entirely  passed. 

Having,  therefore,  seven  days  of  absolute  leisure  on  my 
hands  I  had  a  better  opportunity  than  had  ever  before  been 
afforded  me  to  see  the  various  ceremonies  of  Easter  Week, 
which  are  observed  in  this  devout  Roman  Catholic  country 
probably  with  more  zeal  and  solemnity  than  in  any  other  part 
of  the  world.  We  have  seen  that  by  the  express  provision  of 
the  existing  constitution  the  Roman  Catholic  is  made  the 
state  religion  and  the  observance  of  all  other  religions  is  pro 
hibited  in  public,  so  that  in  the  whole  land  there  was  not 
found  a  single  dissenting  church  edifice.  The  Catholic  Church 
is  not  only  made  the  state  religion  by  law,  but  it  is  enshrined 
in  the  hearts  of  the  great  mass  of  the  population,  and  they 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  315 

enter  with  pious  zeal  into  the  observance  of  this  great  festival 
of  the  Church. 

As  may  be  inferred  from  what  I  have  already  said,  all  of 
ficial  public  business,  except  of  the  most  urgent  character,  is 
suspended  during  the  entire  week.  From  Wednesday  to  Sat 
urday  the  national  flags  on  all  public  buildings  are  displayed 
at  half-mast,  in  remembrance  of  the  sufferings  and  death  of 
our  Lord.  On  Thursday  and  Friday  public  locomotion  in  the 
city  is  paralyzed  by  the  suspension  of  traffic  on  the  street-car 
lines  and  by  public  cabs  of  all  kinds,  and  not  a  single  private 
carriage  or  horseman  is  allowed  on  the  streets  without  a 
special  permit,  and  this  only  on  account  of  sickness  or  some 
other  equally  urgent  cause.  On  these  two  days  all  business 
houses  are  closed,  the  population  generally,  and  especially 
the  women,  array  themselves  in  black,  and  a  Puritanic  Sab 
bath  stillness  (the  Spanish  Sabbath  is  not  quiet)  pervades 
the  streets.  The  newspapers  appear  as  usual,  but  their  char 
acter  is  greatly  changed,  as  a  large  part  of  their  columns  is 
given  up  to  the  publication  of  sermons  and  religious  litera 
ture,  and  to  notices  of  religious  ceremonials  and  meetings  of 
almost  infinite  variety  in  the  churches  and  elsewhere.  One 
of  the  favorite  articles,  generally  regarded  by  the  Protestant 
world  as  apocryphal,  which  is  reproduced  each  year,  is  the 
famous  letter  of  Publius  Lentulus,  Governor  of  Judea,  ad 
dressed  to  the  Roman  Senate,  giving  a  detailed  account  of 
Jesus  Christ,  with  a  minute  description  of  his  person,  phys 
ical  characteristics,  and  bearing.  The  theatres  are  open  the 
greater  part  of  the  week,  but  here  too  a  marked  transforma 
tion  takes  place,  as  they  are  almost  wholly  devoted  to  religious 
and  morality  plays,  many  of  them  of  a  spectacular  character, 
and  produced  in  much  the  same  spirit  as  at  Ober-Ammergau. 
I  give  a  translation  of  one  of  the  theatrical  advertisements 
which  appeared  in  the  Madrid  papers  on  Easter  Saturday : 
"  Theatre  of  Prince  Alfonso.  To-morrow  will  be  given  in  this 
theatre,  afternoon  and  evening,  the  seventh  and  eighth  re- 


316  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

presentations  [it  having  been  on  the  boards  during  the  week] 
of  the  magnificent  drama  entitled  The  Death  and  Passion  of 
Jesus,  put  on  the  stage  with  all  the  requisites  called  for  by  its 
interesting  plot,  concluding  with  the  beautiful  scene  called 
The  Resurrection  of  the  Lord,  in  which  our  Lord  will  be  seen 
to  rise  from  the  sepulchre  and  ascend  amid  the  clouds  to  enjoy 
celestial  glory,  the  whole  being  produced  in  a  manner  entirely 
befitting  the  subject." 

The  members  of  the  many  royal  and  church  orders  hold 
their  annual  meetings  during  this  week,  and  the  daily  press 
give  special  attention  to  their  proceedings.  For  instance,  I 
read  an  account  of  the  annual  convocation  in  one  of  the 
churches  of  the  royal  military  pontifical  Order  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  of  Jerusalem.  The  church  was  decorated  with  the 
shields,  banners,  and  white  pennants,  on  which  were  displayed 
the  traditional  five  red  crosses  of  the  Order,  which  numerous 
and  most  valiant  trophies,  it  is  said,  recalled  the  memory  of 
their  glorious  triumphs  over  the  infidel  horde,  contending  in 
that  most  holy  land.  A  detailed  account  is  given  of  the  noted 
grandees  who  participated  in  the  exercises,  with  their  deco 
rations  and  arms,  among  which  was  borne  the  rich  sword  of 
the  Chapter,  an  exact  copy  of  the  one  which  was  used  by  the 
most  daring  and  pious  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  the  first  King 
of  Jerusalem,  whose  venerated  sword  is  now  guarded  in  the 
most  holy  sepulchre.  The  exercises  concluded  with  the  royal 
march  of  the  knights  and  the  battle-cry,  "0,  Lord,  rescue  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,"  sounded  by  the  crusaders  in  the  assault  and 
capture  of  the  holy  city. 

An  interesting  incident  annually  attending  the  religious 
ceremony  in  the  Chapel  of  the  Royal  Palace  on  the  morning 
of  Good  Friday  is  the  long-established  practice  of  the  sover 
eign  granting  a  pardon  to  a  number  of  criminals  condemned 
to  death,  who  are  recommended  to  clemency  by  the  Council 
of  Ministers.  In  the  act  of  the  adoration  of  the  cross,  the 
Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Toledo  stepped  down  from  the  high 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  317 

altar,  approached  a  table  on  which  were  laid  nine  rolls  of 
parchment  tied  with  black  ribbons  (the  pardons),  and  laying 
his  hand  on  these  rolls,  as  his  predecessors  had  done  for  three 
centuries,  he  said  to  the  Queen  Regent :  "Senora,  does  Your 
Majesty  grant  pardon  to  these  criminals  ?"  The  Queen,  hold 
ing  the  hand  of  the  little  boy  King  by  her  side,  replied:  "I 
pardon  them,  and  so  may  God  pardon  me." 

The  procession  of  the  Holy  Burial,  in  imitation  of  that  of  our 
Lord,  which  took  place  on  the  afternoon  of  Good  Friday,  was 
the  most  noticeable  of  all  the  outdoor  ceremonials  of  Holy 
Week.  It  assumed  an  official  character,  as  it  was  headed  by 
the  civil  governor  of  the  Capital,  accompanied  by  his  staff, 
was  reviewed  by  the  Queen,  Ministers  of  State,  and  court 
attendants  from  the  Palace  balconies,  and  embraced  all  the 
high  clergy  and  various  religious  orders,  with  numerous  bands 
of  music  playing  solemn  airs,  and  several  moving  platform 
scenes  of  the  crucifixion,  burial,  and  tomb.  This  and  all  the 
other  ceremonies  were  participated  in  with  the  most  devout 
and  reverential  spirit. 

But  to  me  the  most  interesting  of  all  the  ceremonies  was 
the  "feet-washing."  It  is  sought  to  make  it  as  far  as  prac 
ticable  a  reproduction  and  commemoration  of  the  touching 
scene,  as  recorded  in  the  thirteenth  chapter  of  the  Gospel  of 
John,  at  the  Last  Supper,  when  Christ,  rising  from  the  table, 
took  a  towel  and  girded  himself  and  washed  the  disciples'  feet, 
and  said, "  If  I,  then,  your  Lord  and  Master,  have  washed  your 
feet;  ye  also  ought  to  wash  one  another's  feet."  The  cere 
mony  took  place  in  the  Royal  Palace  on  Thursday,  and  the 
Queen  Regent,  in  the  presence  of  the  grandees,  hierarchy,  and 
the  most  splendid  pageantry  of  the  Court,  personally  and 
actually  washed  the  feet  of  twelve  of  the  poorest  and  most 
afflicted  women  to  be  found  in  the  districts  within  reach  of 
Madrid.  It  was  intended  to  be  an  imposing  lesson,  given  in 
the  Palace  by  the  Ruler  of  the  Kingdom  to  all  her  subjects, 
that  the  religion  of  State  enjoins  upon  the  high,  the  rich,  and 


318  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  prosperous,  to  search  out  the  lowly  and  unfortunate 
about  them  and  extend  to  them  sympathy  and  relief. 

The  ceremony  was  first  introduced  from  Austria  and  es 
tablished  in  Spain  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V  in  the  year  1547, 
and  has  been  continuously  observed  since  that  date.  In  this, 
as  in  many  other  ways,  Spain  still  shows  the  influence  of  this 
greatest  of  all  Spanish  rulers  and  the  greatest,  at  his  day,  of 
all  monarchs  since  Charlemagne,  and  with  a  far  more  wide 
spread  dominion  —  Emperor  of  Germany,  King  of  Spain,  of 
the  Netherlands,  of  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  and  of  the  far- 
off  dependencies  of  Mexico,  Peru,  and  the  other  vast  regions 
beyond  the  seas  —  the  most  magnificent  empire  on  earth. 
This  scene  of  the  "feet-washing"  more  than  any  other  revives 
the  memories  of  the  golden  era  in  Spanish  history.  It  also, 
more  than  any  other,  recalls  the  influences  which  have  made 
the  people  of  the  Peninsula  through  the  centuries  the  most 
devoted  adherents  of  Holy  Church.  Its  founder,  Charles,  was 
the  great  warrior  of  the  Church.  During  the  forty  years  of 
his  reign  he  carried  on  a  ceaseless  war  for  the  True  Faith, 
on  the  one  hand,  against  the  Saracens,  who,  under  Solyman 
the  Magnificent,  swept  the  Mediterranean  with  their  fleets 
and  pressed  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Vienna  with  their  con 
quering  armies;  and  on  the  other  hand,  against  that  able 
and  intrepid  heretic,  Martin  Luther,  who  dared  to  face  His 
Majesty  at  the  Diet  of  Worms  and  by  his  eloquent  tongue 
and  pen  arrayed  against  him  the  half  of  Europe. 

This  Defender  of  the  Faith,  at  the  brilliant  ceremonial  at 
Brussels,  when  he  threw  about  the  neck  of  his  son  and  suc 
cessor  the  sparkling  jewel  of  the  grand-mastership  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  and  transferred  to  him  his  vast  empire,  en 
joined  upon  him:  "Above  all,  cherish  the  interests  of  relig 
ion  ";  and  in  the  last  codicil  to  his  will,  with  his  old-time 
warrior  spirit,  he  conjured  him  to  exterminate  every  heretic 
in  his  dominions  —  a  provision  of  his  will  which  Philip  ful 
filled  perhaps  with  greater  exactness  than  any  other. 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  319 

These  and  similar  memories  crowded  themselves  upon  my 
thoughts  as  I  ascended  the  grand  stairway  of  the  palace  and 
entered  the  Salon  of  the  Columns,  the  hall  where  the  state 
balls  are  held,  and  where  the  " feet-washing"  was  to  take 
place.  The  selection  of  the  poor  who  were  to  participate  in 
this  pageant  was  made  with  care  from  the  villages  outside 
the  Capital,  and  the  greater  portion  of  them  were  blind  or 
deprived  of  other  of  the  senses.  They  were  brought  to  the 
Palace  the  day  previous  and  first  examined  by  the  court 
physician  to  see  that  they  had  no  contagious  diseases.  They 
were  then  given  a  bath  under  the  supervision  of  the  court 
apothecary,  and  each  provided  with  a  complete  new  suit  of 
wearing  apparel  by  the  Chief  Almoner  of  the  Palace.  When 
I  entered  the  salon  and  was  shown  a  seat  on  the  platform 
provided  for  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  the  hall  was  already  well 
filled  with  the  high  society  of  the  Capital.  Immediately  in 
front  of  us  was  a  long  table  with  plates,  etc.,  laid  for  thirteen, 
and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hall  was  another  table  laid 
for  twelve.  Presently  the  poor  who  were  to  be  the  guests, 
entered,  all  old  and  feeble,  thirteen  men,  each  led  by  one  of 
the  noblemen  of  the  kingdom  in  full  court  dress,  and  twelve 
women,  led  and  assisted  to  their  seats  at  the  tables  by  twelve 
ladies  of  the  Court  in  full  evening  costume  with  court  trains. 
Soon  after  they  were  seated  the  royal  procession  entered,  the 
two  Chief  Gentlemen  of  the  Royal  Household  at  the  head, 
followed  by  the  choir  and  clergy  of  the  Chapel  Royal  and  the 
hierarchy  of  the  kingdom;  then  Her  Majesty  the  Queen,  her 
train  borne  by  the  Royal  Majordomo,  Count  Albareal  de 
Tajo,  and  on  her  left  the  Monsignor  Nuncio  of  His  Holiness 
Leo  XIII,  followed  by  the  grandees  and  other  nobility  of 
Spain. 

All  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  who  were  spectators  were 
dressed  in  black,  as  is  the  custom  on  Holy  Thursday ;  but  the 
Queen,  grandees,  ladies  of  the  Court,  the  Ministers  of  State, 
including  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  all  who  participated  in 


320  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

the  exercises,  were  in  full  court  dress,  with  all  the  gold  lace, 
ribbons,  and  decorations  of  a  gala  day. 

Seldom  is  a  more  brilliant  company  gathered  in  the  palace. 
A  temporary  royal  dais  occupied  the  centre  of  one  side  of  the 
large  hall,  and  at  the  right  of  it  was  the  Diplomatic  Corps 
and  on  the  left  the  Ministers  of  State  and  the  nobility.  Most 
prominent  and  noticeable  of  these  was  the  Prime  Minister, 
Don  Antonio  Canovas  del  Castillo.  Standing  next  to  Ca"novas 
in  the  ministerial  group  was  a  man  worth  a  passing  notice. 
His  family  name  will  sound  familiar  to  English-speaking 
people  —  it  is  Charles  O'Donnel.  He  is  the  Minister  of  For 
eign  Affairs  and  has  the  title  of  Duke  of  Tetuan.  His  lineal 
ancestor  bore  a  prominent  part  among  the  forces  of  James  II 
in  the  battle  of  the  Boyne,  just  two  centuries  ago ;  and  after 
the  signal  triumph  of  William  III  he  fled  from  Ireland,  and 
with  other  noble  families  established  himself  in  Spain.  The 
father  of  the  present  Charles  O'Donnel  was  the  famous  Mar 
shal  O'Donnel  of  the  turbulent  times  of  Isabella  II.  He  dis 
puted  for  the  Government  in  those  days  with  the  celebrated 
General  Navaez,  who  was  very  vindictive  in  his  triumphs 
and  numbered  the  execution  of  his  enemies  by  scores.  It  is 
related  of  Navaez  that  when  he  came  to  die,  as  the  priest 
was  about  to  administer  the  last  sacraments,  he  appealed  to 
the  General,  as  his  priestly  duty  required,  to  forgive  his  ene 
mies  before  he  passed  into  the  other  world.  "Holy  Father," 
interrupted  the  General,  "I  have  none.  I  have  shot  them 
all!" 

Another  person  in  the  ministerial  group  attracts  attention, 
a  scholarly  looking  man,  with  piercing  black  eyes.  It  is  Senor 
Silvela,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  next  to  Cdnovas  the 
ablest  man  in  the  Cabinet,  and  who  has  since  held  the  post  of 
Prime  Minister.  His  wife,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and 
charming  women  in  the  court  society,  is  the  daughter  of  the 
Marquis  of  Loring,  a  name  familiar  to  New  England  ears. 
Her  great-grandfather  was  a  Yankee  sea-captain  from  Salem, 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  321 

Massachusetts,  who  about  the  first  years  of  the  last  century 
in  his  swift-sailing  clippers  carried  to  Boston  and  New  York 
the  first  of  the  delicious  fruits  of  the  Malaga  coast.  He  grew 
rich,  married  a  Spanish  senorita,  settled  in  Malaga,  and  his 
son,  with  true  Yankee  enterprise,  made  for  himself  a  fortune 
and  a  title,  and  now  the  Marquis  of  Loring  stands  among  the 
grandees,  honored  in  all  the  Peninsula. 

The  exercises  of  the  " feet-washing"  commenced  with  the 
Church  service,  Ante  diem  festum  Paschae,  after  which  the 
ceremony  of  the  washing  began,  and  while  it  progressed  the 
choir  and  officiating  clergy  chanted  the  prayers  of  the  Ritual. 
The  Queen,  ungloving  her  hands,  and  imitating  the  Saviour, 
took  a  long  towel,  girded  it  partly  around  her  waist,  and 
passed  over  to  the  table  where  were  seated  the  twelve  poor 
women.  One  of  the  royal  ladies  preceding  her,  removed  the 
shoe  and  stocking  of  each  woman,  another  noblewoman  held 
a  silver  basin,  Her  Majesty  kneeling,  the  Papal  Nuncio  poured 
the  water  from  a  silver  ewer  upon  the  foot,  and  the  Queen 
drying  it  with  the  towel,  raised  the  foot  to  her  lips  and,  it  is 
presumed,  kissed  it ;  but  it  was  insisted  by  the  lady  witnesses 
who  were  near  me  that  the  Queen  kissed  her  own  thumb. 
Another  lady  of  the  nobility,  following,  replaced  the  stocking 
and  shoe. 

All  the  noble  ladies  engaged  in  this  act  of  service  and 
humiliation  bear  titles  which  indicate  great  and  valiant  serv 
ices  to  the  Church  and  State.  For  instance,  the  lady  who 
held  the  silver  basin  is  the  Marchioness  of  Santa  Cruz,  a  name 
distinguished  for  centuries  in  Spanish  history.  It  suggests  an 
event  appropriate  to  be  recalled  on  this  great  day  of  the 
Church  —  the  renowned  naval  battle  of  Lepanto,  when  that 
unique  figure  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Don  John  of  Austria, 
the  son  of  the  man  who  established  this  ceremony  of  the 
"feet-washing,"  led  the  combined  fleets  of  Christendom  in 
a  life-and-death  struggle  against  the  infidel  Mustapha,  the 
Moslem  commander,  who  had  conducted  the  famous  siege  at 


322  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

Malta.  The  historians  of  the  period  delight  to  describe  how 
those  great  fleets  of  more  than  three  hundred  vessels  on  each 
side,  with  two  hundred  thousand  sailors,  bore  down  upon 
each  other  in  long  extended  lines  of  battle.  Don  John  sent 
out  this  appeal  to  his  followers :  "  You  have  come  to  fight  the 
battle  of  the  Cross ;  to  conquer  or  die.  But  whether  you  die 
or  conquer,  do  your  duty  this  day,  and  you  will  secure  a 
glorious  immortality."  He  and  each  commander  on  his  re 
spective  prow,  kneeling  down  and  followed  by  his  crew, 
prayed  that  the  Almighty  would  be  with  his  people  on  that 
day.  And  so  they  entered  the  battle,  and  it  was  reserved  to 
the  gallant  and  pious  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz  at  the  critical 
moment,  when  all  seemed  lost,  to  enter  the  fight  and  give  a 
glorious  victory  to  Don  John,  which  decided  the  supremacy 
of  the  ocean  and  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  and  relief  throughout 
Christendom.  Well  might  the  Marchioness  of  Santa  Cruz  of 
to-day  do  honor  by  this  service  to  the  Church  and  cause  which 
her  family  had  so  gloriously  served  three  centuries  before. 
It  is  the  usual  custom  for  the  King  to  wash  the  feet  of  the 
poor  men  at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Queen,  but  it  was  announced  that,  owing  to  the  tender  years 
of  Alfonso  XIII,  this  part  of  the  exercises  would  be  omitted. 
The  little  five-year-old  King  was  a  subject  of  intense  pride  to 
most  loyal  Spaniards.  I  have  already  noticed  the  practice  to 
open  the  annual  sessions  of  the  Cortes  with  great  pomp,  the 
King  and  all  the  members  of  the  royal  family  attending  in 
brilliant  state.  A  Spanish  lady,  in  giving  me  an  account  of 
these  customary  ceremonies  at  the  opening  of  the  Cortes,  a 
few  weeks  before  my  arrival,  told  me,  with  a  sparkle  of  Span 
ish  pride  in  her  eyes  and  a  patriotic  tone,  how  the  little  King 
ascended  the  dais  with  firm  step,  deliberately  handed  his 
cloak  to  an  attendant  and  seated  himself  in  the  Throne  Chair 
with  as  much  grace  and  dignity  as  his  father  before  him.  The 
little  fellow  never  failed  to  elicit  the  utmost  respect  and  marks 
of  affection  from  the  people  whenever  he  appeared  in  public ; 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  323 

and  his  mother,  who  was  giving  to  the  nation  such  an  example 
of  purity  of  life  as  has  not  been  common  in  the  Palace,  and 
such  proofs  of  prudence  and  ability  as  commanded  the  re 
spect  of  the  world,  found  in  the  helpless  boy  a  substantial 
prop  to  the  throne.  It  is  that  responsive  chord  of  sympathy 
which  innocent  youth  awakens  among  all  peoples  and  in 
every  class  of  society. 

After  the  " feet-washing"  was  concluded,  the  Queen  and 
her  lady  attendants  passed  over  to  the  table  where  were 
seated  the  thirteen  poor  men.  As  their  feet  were  not  to  be 
washed,  they  were  now  to  receive  the  royal  attention  in  an 
other  form.  In  front  of  each  on  the  table  was  placed  a  plate, 
a  napkin,  a  loaf  of  bread,  a  spoon,  fork,  and  knife,  a  jug  con 
taining  twelve  pints  of  wine,  a  tumbler,  a  wine-glass,  and  a 
double  salt-cellar.  The  Queen  stood  near  the  head  of  the 
table,  and  there  stretched  two  long  lines  to  the  main  en 
trance  of  the  salon,  the  titled  ladies  on  her  right,  and  on  her 
left  the  grandees  and  other  noblemen  who  participated  in 
the  exercises. 

As  I  remembered  their  respective  titles  the  whole  history 
of  Spain  was  brought  to  mind.  There  stood  the  descendant 
of  Gonzalvo  de  Cordova,  El  Gran  Capitan  (the  Great  Cap 
tain),  —  a  much  better  type  of  the  Spanish  warrior  than  the 
famous  Cid,  who  was  little  better  than  a  brigand,  —  the  right 
arm  of  Isabella  the  Catholic,  and  of  Ferdinand,  who  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  Spanish  soldiery  which  for  a  century 
dominated  Europe  and  carried  the  Cross  and  Spanish  rule  to 
the  remotest  corners  of  America.  Christopher  Columbus,  the 
lineal  descendant  of  the  great  navigator,  or,  as  he  is  better 
known  in  Spain,  the  Duke  of  Veragua,  was  absent  from  his 
accustomed  place,  painfully  ill,  but  his  brother  and  successor 
was  in  the  hall.  The  Marquis  of  Mondejar  stood  near  the 
Queen,  as  well  he  might,  if  the  heroism  and  devotion  of  the 
men  are  remembered  who  for  five  centuries  have  borne  that 
title  and  done  valiant  service  for  the  Church  and  Crown  on 


324  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

every  battlefield  against  the  Moors  and  other  enemies  of  the 
Faith.  As  I  looked  upon  that  long  line  of  noblemen  and 
titled  ladies,  as  they  stood  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  Queen 
of  Spain,  I  could  not  restrain  silent  homage  to  the  great  men 
whose  names  and  titles  they  bear. 

I  have  stated  that  the  poor  men  before  whose  table  the 
Queen  now  stood  were  to  receive  the  royal  attention  in  an 
other  form.  She  had  hardly  taken  her  position  when  I  saw, 
passing  through  the  door  where  the  line  of  noblemen  ended, 
a  large  plate  of  salmon  handed  in,  a  cut  of  five  or  six  pounds, 
the  section  of  an  immense  fish  whose  equal  is  rarely  seen  in 
the  markets.  This  plate  was  passed  along  up  the  line  of  noble 
men  from  hand  to  hand,  till  it  reached  the  Queen,  and  she 
placed  it  with  her  own  hands  in  front  of  the  poor  man  at  the 
head  of  the  table.  But  this  one  plate  of  salmon  was  followed 
in  rapid  succession  by  twelve  other  plates  of  salmon  of  equal 
bulk,  until  in  front  of  each  man  was  a  plate  of  salmon  suf 
ficient  of  itself  to  feed  the  whole  thirteen. 

As  soon  as  this  course  was  laid,  the  Queen,  beginning  again 
at  the  head  of  the  table,  lifted  the  plate  with  her  own  hands, 
and  passed  it  to  the  first  lady  at  her  right,  who  handed  it 
along  down  the  line  till  it  disappeared  through  the  door  at 
the  opposite  end  of  the  hall  from  which  it  entered.  Before  it 
disappeared,  a  large  plate  of  pollock  was  sent  in  through  the 
door  at  the  foot  of  the  line  of  noblemen  and  passed  up  to 
the  Queen,  and  by  her  placed  in  front  of  the  poor  man  at 
the  head  of  the  table ;  and  then  another  and  another,  till 
thirteen  plates  of  pollock  were  on  the  table.  Again  the  Queen 
began  the  process  of  removing  the  plates,  and  down  along  the 
line  of  ladies  they  followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession. 
And  when  the  last  had  been  removed,  a  new  plate,  this  time 
of  conger  eel  with  rice,  was  ready  to  be  handed  to  Her  Ma 
jesty,  to  go  through  the  same  process;  meanwhile  the  poor 
men  were  looking  on  in  mute  wonder  and  tasting  nothing. 
The  list  of  the  remaining  dishes  placed  on  the  table  and  re- 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  325 

moved  was  as  follows :  (4)  sardine  pastry ;  (5)  fried  hake ;  (6) 
eel  pie ;  (7)  fried  salted  codfish ;  (8)  roasted  red  sea-bream ; 
(9)  fried  red  mullet;  (10)  baked  salmon  trout;  (11)  pickled 
sea-bream ;  (12)  pickled  oysters  (it  is  seen  by  this  time  that  it 
is  a  lenten  dinner,  mainly  of  fish) ;  (13)  stuffed  artichokes ; 
(14)  cream  tartlets;  (15)  rice  pudding.  This  completed  the 
list  of  cooked  dishes.  Then  followed  (16)  a  whole  Dutch 
cheese ;  (17)  a  plate  of  olives ;  (18)  candied  oranges  and  lem 
ons  ;  (19)  a  plate  of  limes ;  (20)  ditto  of  oranges ;  (21)  ditto  of 
apples ;  (22)  ditto  of  lemons ;  (23)  figs ;  (24)  dried  peaches ; 
(25)  dried  prunes ;  (26)  walnuts ;  (27)  raisins ;  (28)  filberts ; 
(29)  candied  aniseed ;  (30)  almonds. 

The  washing  of  the  feet  of  twelve  women  was  no  small 
task,  but  in  the  performance  which  I  have  just  described  the 
Queen  had  placed  four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  large  and 
well-loaded  plates  upon  the  table  and  then  removed  the 
four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  plates;  the  total  weight  of 
which  was  stated  to  be  twenty-four  hundred  and  fifty-seven 
pounds,  or  about  a  ton  and  a  quarter ;  but  she  had  done  it  all 
with  a  smiling  face,  a  fair  degree  of  dexterity  and  dispatch, 
and  no  signs  of  fatigue.  But  it  was  different,  for  instance, 
with  the  venerable  grandee  who  stood  next  to  her  and 
handed  her  the  four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  plates.  He 
was  evidently  glad  his  task  was  over.  He  bears  the  famous 
title  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  a  title  which  recalls  the 
most  brilliant  pages  of  the  mediaeval  days  of  Spain.  A  duke 
of  that  era  almost  rivaled  his  sovereign  in  the  magnificence 
of  his  establishment  and  his  power.  When  the  Catholic 
Kings  entered  upon  the  final  campaign  against  Granada, 
the  Duke  brought  into  the  field  as  his  contingent,  fully 
armed  and  at  his  own  charges,  five  thousand  horse  and 
forty  thousand  foot.  A  century  later  another  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia  held  a  command  more  important  but  less  glorious  in 
its  results.  At  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  large  war- 
vessels,  carrying  twenty-five  hundred  cannon  and  thirty 


326  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

thousand  seamen;  he  sailed  out  of  Cadiz  with  the  proud 
Armada,  and  bore  down  upon  England,  for  whose  destruc 
tion  Philip  II  had  combined  all  the  resources  of  his  king 
dom,  inspired  by  two  causes  of  hate  —  first,  Queen  Bess  had 
rejected  his  hand  in  marriage,  and,  second,  England  was  then 
the  bulwark  of  the  Protestant  cause.  But  the  bold  British 
mariners  under  Drake,  and  the  stormy  elements,  between 
them,  scattered  and  almost  exterminated  the  invincible  Ar 
mada,  which  ended  the  Spanish  domination  of  the  ocean,  and 
fixed  the  beginning  of  that  boasted  supremacy  of  the  British 
navy  which  has  continued  unchallenged  to  the  present  day. 
In  these  piping  times  of  peace  the  present  Duke  has  no  greater 
calls  upon  his  courage  and  loyalty  than  to  pass  along  up  to 
the  Queen  four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  plates  of  fish,  et 
cetera,  on  Holy  Thursdays. 

But  the  Queen's  work  is  not  yet  ended.  The  articles  which 
I  enumerated  as  being  placed  on  the  table  when  the  poor  men 
took  their  seats  were  also  to  be  removed.  First  the  Queen 
removed  the  thirteen  jugs,  each  containing  a  gallon  and  a 
half  of  wine.  It  is  related  of  the  late  Queen  Isabella  II  that  as 
she  was  thus  serving  the  table,  her  head  and  neck  resplendent 
with  diamonds,  one  of  them  fell  into  the  plate  of  a  poor  man, 
who,  greatly  embarrassed,  took  it  up,  not  knowing  to  whom 
he  ought  to  hand  it.  "Keep  it,"  said  the  Queen,  "it  has 
fallen  to  you  by  lot." 

After  the  jugs  of  wine  and  the  loaf  of  bread  had  been  re 
moved,  the  Queen  gathered  up  and  placed  carefully  on  the 
plate  in  front  of  each  man  the  napkin,  the  spoon,  knife  and 
fork,  the  tumbler,  the  wine-glass,  and  the  salt-cellar,  and  sent 
them  down  the  line  of  ladies.  This,  as  may  be  imagined,  was  a 
somewhat  perilous  voyage,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  much  trepida 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  titled  ladies  and  of  curiosity  on  the 
part  of  the  spectators  as  to  who  shall  be  the  unfortunate  one 
from  whose  hands  any  of  the  contents  of  the  plate  may  fall, 
for  it  seldom,  if  ever,  occurs  that  no  such  mishap  comes  to 


A  SPANISH  CEREMONIAL  327 

one  or  more  of  the  ladies  before  the  thirteen  plates  are  all 
safely  landed  outside  the  hall,  and  the  event  is  always  a 
source  of  merriment  to  the  onlookers.  On  this  occasion  the 
first  such  accident  came  to  the  tall  and  handsome  lady  with 
the  richly  trimmed  orange-satin  dress,  pearl  collar  and  crown 
of  emeralds  and  diamonds,  who  bears  the  well-known  title  of 
Duchess  of  Alva,  a  name  famous  in  Spanish  history  almost 
from  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom.  The  Duke  of  Alva, 
best  known  to  us  through  our  own  historians  Prescott  and 
Motley,  is  he  who  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  made  the 
celebrated  march  from  Italy,  across  the  Alps  and  through 
France,  into  the  Netherlands,  to  exterminate  the  Protestant 
revolt  led  by  William  of  Orange.  The  Duke  of  Alva  of  my  day 
was  not  seen  among  the  grandees  on  this  occasion,  though 
he  bore  the  title  of  six  dukes,  thirteen  marquises,  and  fifteen 
counts.  He  had  not  inherited,  either  in  mien  or  habits,  many 
of  the  characteristics  of  his  great  ancestors.  His  chief  as 
sociates  were  dogs,  fast  horses,  and  fast  society,  being  quite 
noted  among  "the  boys  about  town." 

This  duke,  with  his  thirty-four  titles  of  nobility,  is  not  an 
unusual  occurrence  in  the  land  which  produced  that  incom 
parable  work  of  satire  of  all  time,  the  knight-errantry  of  Don 
Quixote.  I  give  from  an  unimportant  pamphlet  a  dedication 
of  the  same  to  the  business  manager  of  the  royal  household, 
under  whose  direction  the  feast  I  am  describing  was  prepared, 
as  follows :  "To  the  Most  Excellent  Senor  Don  Jose  Osorio  y 
Silva,  Marquis  of  Alcanices,  Duke  of  Albuquerque,  Grandee 
of  Spain  of  the  First  Class,  Gentleman  of  the  King's  House 
hold  with  the  functions  and  service  of  Chief  Steward,  High 
est  Chief  of  the  Palace,  Master  of  the  King's  Horse,  Master 
of  the  Chase,  Keeper  of  the  Seal  of  His  Majesty  (whom  may 
God  preserve),  Knight  of  the  Notable  Order  of  the  Cloth  of 
Gold,  of  the  Grand  Cross  of  Charles  III,  of  St.  Maurice  and 
St.  Lazarus  of  Italy,  and  of  the  Christ  of  Portugal." 

When  the  tables  were  all  cleared,  the  Papal  Nuncio  handed 


328  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

to  each  poor  man  and  woman,  in  succession,  a  purse  of  silver 
of  the  value  of  a  half  doubloon  or  ounce,  about  $7.50,  with 
his  blessing.  It  is  the  usual  practice  for  the  King  to  serve  the 
poor  women  at  their  table,  at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Queen  served  the  men,  but,  as  already  inti 
mated,  this  part  of  the  service  was  omitted  on  account  of  the 
youth  of  Alfonso  XIII.  The  contents  of  the  thirty  courses 
for  the  men,  as  well  as  a  similar  provision  for  the  women,  as 
they  passed  out  of  the  hall,  were  packed  carefully  in  twenty- 
five  immense  hampers,  weighing  4514  pounds,  or  two  and  a 
quarter  tons,  and  afterwards  delivered  to  these  poor  guests 
for  such  use  as  they  might  choose  to  make  of  them.  It  is  said 
they  are  usually  sold  to  the  restaurant  keepers  in  the  city, 
and  that  a  very  considerable  sum  is  realized  by  each  from  the 
sale.  The  whole  expense  of  this  entertainment  was  paid  out 
of  the  Queen's  exchequer. 

The  exercises,  which  had  continued  for  over  two  hours, 
were  finally  concluded  by  a  solemn  benediction  pronounced 
by  the  Patriarch  of  the  Indies.  And  thus  was  terminated 
this  ancient,  interesting,  and  unique  ceremony,  transmitted 
down  the  ages  as  a  solemn  religious  service  by  the  most 
devoted  adherents  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

Should  I  venture  to  moralize  upon  the  ceremony,  I  would 
say  that  it  teaches  an  important  lesson.  The  supreme  excel 
lence  and  culmination  of  the  Christian  religion  is  charity, 
charity  which  reaches  down  from  the  King  on  his  throne,  the 
nobleman  in  his  palace,  the  rich  and  prosperous  in  comfort 
and  ease,  to  the  poor,  the  afflicted,  and  helpless ;  gives  them 
water  for  cleansing,  clothing  for  their  rags,  food  for  their 
bodily  comfort,  and  takes  them  by  the  hand  and  calls  them 
"  brother."  The  religion  which  makes  this  its  ideal  may  hope 
to  be  pardoned  the  cruelties  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain  and 
the  vagaries  of  witch-hanging  in  Massachusetts. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO   SPAIN 

IN  1891  I  was  appointed  by  President  Harrison,  at  the  re 
quest  of  Secretary  Elaine,  to  conduct  the  negotiations  with 
various  interested  countries  based  upon  the  legislation  of 
Congress  of  1890  known  as  the  McKinley  Tariff,  providing 
for  commercial  reciprocity  arrangements  with  them.  A  sketch 
of  that  measure  and  the  negotiations  growing  out  of  it  will  be 
given  in  the  next  chapter ;  but  as  they  occasioned  a  second 
visit  by  me  to  Spain,  I  deem  it  best  to  give  in  this  order  a 
narrative  of  this  second  mission. 

The  leading  product  embraced  in  the  McKinley  reciprocity 
provision  was  sugar,  and  as  this  was  the  chief  product  upon 
which  was  based  the  industry  and  commerce  of  Cuba,  the 
Spanish  Government  was  deeply  interested  in  securing  for 
that  island  the  benefit  of  the  proposed  reciprocity  arrange 
ment.  As  preliminary  to  my  mission  to  Spain  and  to  enable 
me  to  have  as  comprehensive  a  knowledge  as  possible  of  the 
situation  of  affairs,  I  made  a  visit  to  Cuba,  and  spent  some 
time  in  Havana,  Matanzas,  and  other  cities  reached  by  the 
railroads,  in  conference  with  sugar-planters,  exporters,  and 
merchants.  On  my  return  to  Washington,  after  receiving  my 
instructions,  I  took  my  departure  for  Madrid. 

It  was  my  purpose  to  go  directly  through  London  and 
Paris  without  unnecessary  delay,  as  my  absence  from  Wash 
ington  would  halt  negotiations  on  the  subject  with  other 
countries.  But  on  reaching  London  I  was  informed  by  our 
Minister,  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  King  Leopold  of  Belgium  was  in 
the  city  and  desired  to  see  me.  Accordingly  Mr.  Lincoln  took 
me  to  call  upon  His  Majesty,  and  it  turned  out  that  he  was 


330  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

very  anxious  about  the  fate  of  the  Congo  State  Treaty, 
which  was  then  pending  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
respecting  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  told  him  that  I  might  be 
able  to  give  him  some  information.  The  treaty  had  been 
signed  only  six  weeks  previously,  and  had  barely  reached  the 
Senate  before  I  left  Washington.  I  wondered  at  the  time  why 
he  exhibited  so  much  anxiety  and  impatience  about  its 
approval  by  the  Senate,  but  that  was  afterwards  explained 
by  his  great  pecuniary  interest  in  the  commercial  enterprises, 
which  later  made  the  rule  of  his  representatives  in  that  re 
gion  so  revolting  and  disgraceful. 

During  my  residence  in  Europe  I  had  heard  much  of  King 
Leopold's  escapades  and  family  troubles,  and  I  had  little  re 
spect  for  him  as  a  man,  but  my  interview  with  him  in  London 
impressed  me  with  his  intelligence  and  his  ability  as  a  man 
of  business.  Fourteen  years  later  when,  as  the  attorney 
for  the  Chinese  Government,  I  was  effecting  a  settlement 
with  a  company  of  the  affairs  of  the  Canton-Hankow  Rail 
way,  I  had  further  insight  into  Leopold's  business  activity 
and  shrewdness,  which  will  appear  in  my  account  of  that 
matter. 

On  my  arrival  in  Madrid  I  was  kindly  received  by  our 
American  Minister  resident  at  that  Capital,  but  I  soon  found 
that  he  felt  aggrieved  at  my  coming.  It  was  a  perfectly  nat 
ural  feeling,  and  one  which  I  had  anticipated  and  sought  to 
avoid  by  having  Secretary  Elaine  cable  him,  in  advance  of 
my  departure,  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  send  me,  and  thus 
afford  him  an  opportunity  to  dissent.  If  he  had  done  so,  I 
should  have  been  unwilling  to  undertake  the  mission,  but  he 
did  not.  The  President  and  Secretary  Elaine  felt  that  my 
previous  residence  in  Spain,  my  knowledge  of  the  language, 
and  my  experience  in  negotiating  the  previous  reciprocity 
treaty  made  it  desirable  that  I  should  be  intrusted  with  this 
mission. 

Immediately  after  my  arrival  I  had  a  frank  talk  with  our 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  SPAIN          331 

Minister  and  we  reached  a  satisfactory  and  friendly  under 
standing,  which  was  not  interrupted  during  my  stay.  He 
rendered  me  every  support  that  I  could  desire  in  the  nego 
tiations,  promptly  gave  a  dinner  in  my  honor,  to  which 
were  invited  the  Ministry  and  heads  of  legations,  and  both 
officially  and  socially  left  nothing  undone  to  make  my  mis 
sion  a  success. 

I  have  explained  in  the  preceding  chapter  how  the  Easter 
services  delayed  and  obstructed  my  business;  but  Holy 
Week  having  passed,  I  was  not  long  in  securing  the  attention 
of  the  Minister  of  State  to  the  business  of  my  mission.  My 
first  duty  was  to  have  an  audience  of  the  Queen  Regent,  to 
present  my  letter  of  credence  from  the  President,  which  was 
promptly  held.  I  was  gratified  to  find  that  Her  Majesty  re 
tained  very  pleasant  memories  of  my  former  residence  at  her 
Capital,  and  she  made  kind  inquiries  about  Mrs.  Foster  and 
my  daughters.  While  I  was  having  my  audience  with  her, 
which  was  in  her  own  part  of  the  Palace,  the  little  King  came 
running  in,  and  rushed  up  to  his  mother  with  juvenile  disre 
gard  of  official  forms.  She  had  him  shake  hands  with  me, 
told  him  who  I  was,  and  I  had  a  short  conversation  with  him ; 
but  he  was  soon  off  again  in  the  same  boyish  manner  in  which 
he  entered. 

I  found  some  changes  had  occurred  in  the  personnel  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  since  my  former  residence,  but  the  most 
notable  change  was  the  transformation  of  the  legations  of 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy  into  embassies, 
while  formerly  France  was  the  only  country  which  had  main 
tained  a  mission  of  the  first  grade.  It  was  pleasant  to  know 
that  my  old  colleagues  and  the  new  ones  were  prepared  to 
give  me  a  hearty  welcome,  and  during  my  brief  stay  a  round 
of  dinners  were  given  in  my  honor  in  the  embassies  and  by 
members  of  the  Cabinet.  By  none  was  I  more  heartily  wel 
comed  back  than  by  my  good  friend  Emilio  Castelar,  who 
came  out  of  his  retirement  to  give  me  a  notable  entertain- 


332  DIPLOMATIC  MEMOIRS 

ment,  gathering  about  his  table  the  most  congenial  and  bril 
liant  spirits  of  Madrid  society. 

Another  change  of  a  personal  and  social  character  had 
occurred  during  my  absence.  Senor  Ca"novas,  the  Prime 
Minister,  was  a  bachelor  and  had  lived  in  very  simple  style  in 
a  modest  house.  I  now  found  him  married  and  living  in  one 
of  the  most  elegant  palaces  in  Madrid.  The  lady  who  had 
captivated  him  in  his  mature  age  was  born  and  educated  in 
Washington,  the  daughter  of  a  Peruvian  Minister  to  the 
United  States  who  was  afterwards  transferred  to  Madrid. 
By  the  marriage  of  her  father  with  a  Spanish  lady  of  high 
rank  he  became  possessed  of  a  title  of  nobility  and  great 
wealth,  mainly  in  Cuban  estates.  He  built  a  fine  palace 
in  the  most  fashionable  quarter  of  the  Capital,  and  on  his 
daughter's  marriage  to  Canovas  he  presented  them  with 
this  palace  as  a  bridal  gift.  The  marriage  proved  a  happy 
one,  notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  age,  and  they  en 
joyed  their  elegant  home  for  six  years  after  my  visit,  until  he 
was  stricken  down  by  the  anarchist  assassin  in  the  presence 
of  his  wife. 

I  have  alluded  to  my  friendly  relations  with  Canovas  and 
my  high  estimate  of  his  character.  He  greeted  me  warmly 
on  my  return,  and  gave  a  large  dinner  at  his  new  home  in  my 
honor,  at  which  there  were  present  the  members  of  the  Cabi 
net  and  the  foreign  ambassadors.  This  distinction  was  both 
opportune  and  highly  appreciated  by  me,  because  at  the  time 
I  was  conducting  my  negotiations  with  the  Ministers  of 
State  and  the  Colonies,  and  was  not  making  satisfactory 
progress.  They  had  not  recovered  from  the  disappointment 
occasioned  by  the  failure  of  the  Senate  to  approve  the  re 
ciprocity  treaty  of  1884,  and  were  interposing  conditions 
which  I  could  not  accept.  I  had  been  forced  to  appeal  to  the 
Prime  Minister  against  their  course,  and  a  dinner  at  his  palace 
where  I  was  the  guest  of  honor  could  not  fail  to  impress  them 
favorably.  Before  I  bade  him  good-night  after  this  dinner, 


MY  SECOND  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  333 

Sefior  Canovas  told  me  that  he  had  instructed  the  Ministers 
that  they  must  reach  an  agreement  with  me. 

After  this  assurance  from  him  the  negotiations  went  more 
smoothly,  and  within  a  reasonable  time  I  had  the  satisfac 
tion  of  reaching  an  arrangement  for  the  trade  with  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  President  and  Secre 
tary  Elaine.  I  had  brought  with  me  full  powers  to  sign  a 
treaty,  or  what  was  termed  the  "reciprocity  arrangement/' 
but  out  of  consideration  for  the  sensitiveness  of  our  resident 
American  Minister,  I  decided  to  transfer  the  consummation 
of  the  arrangement  to  Washington,  and  it  was  accordingly 
signed  by  Secretary  Elaine  and  the  Spanish  Minister  there. 

The  time  occupied  on  this  special  service,  from  the  date  of 
my  departure  from  Washington  to  my  return,  covered  six 
weeks.  It  was  one  of  the  most  prompt  and  successful  mis 
sions  ever  undertaken  by  me.  The  reciprocity  arrangement 
went  into  effect  without  delay,  and  during  the  time  it  was  in 
operation  it  largely  increased  American  exports  to  the 
Spanish  Antillas. 


END  OF  VOLUME  I 


S 


CAMBRIDGE  .  MASSACHUSETTS 
U    .   S    .   A 


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